Those who are familiar with Evola's work and biography have realised
what is right, what is questionable and what is downright wrong about
this article, which, as we have said, is part of a book which is
filled with more or less explicit references to the ideas exposed and
developed by Evola. "My aim was (...) to refer to the lucid
existential message with which Julius Evola reconnects us to the
warlike spirituality of the Bhagavad Gita and, from there, to the
deepest Romanitas. There is no other root, no other decisive
watershed, not other sound point reference, with due respect to those
who want to reduce a spiritual and Olympian tension to the defense of
this or that minor expression. What is at work today is not a clash
between political systems, religions, values, models ; what we are
witnessing instead is the progressive propagation of an infection, the
progress of an evil that dries up, sclerotises and, finally, levels.
This infection, this evil is common to almost everybody : Christians
and Muslims, Hebrews and atheists, progressives and conservatives,
revolutionaries and traditionalists, extremists and moderates. Nuances
are not what create underlying differences ; what creates them is
only an Idea of the World. This Idea of the World - or Weltanschauung,
as it would be called - this Idea that allows at the same time to die
and to revive, is beyond parties and is in a position to reshuffle and
to regenerate these because it is prior to the splintering into
factions and, above all, it goes beyond them."
The author's aim is to rebuild this image of the world on the basis of
various concepts (Reaction, Revolution, Counter-revolution, autonomy,
Restauration, Satanism, Racism, Communism, Antisemitism, Class
struggle, etc.) and of various historical characters (from Radetzky to
Garibaldi, from Charlemagne to Hitler, from Tiso to Durruti, from
Mitterrand to Léon Degrelle, from Malcom X to Saddam Hussein, from
Heydrich to Chandra Bose, from Socrate to Saint Bernard, from
Marinetti to de Benoist).
In appendix, there are a review, made by his son, of the movie
'Pirates of the Caribbean' and a work of his called 'Le api e i fiori'
('Bees and Flowers'), which dates back to 1999 : "If, he says right at
the beginning, instead of considering politics from the ideological
point of view, we try to do it from the structural one, we notice that
it amounts to an almost invariable whole of elements. At the end of
the day, this whole is made up of a subject, of an objective (or of a
series of objectives) and of a path to follow to achieve the set
result. For anyone who, instead of contenting oneself with scraping a
living, intends to accomplish something, the first imperative is thus
to become aware of the aforesaid elements. This awareness should be as
congruent as possible with reality, so as to enable one to act
skillfully." Having noted and acknowledged that this awareness has
been lacking for the past few decades, the author undertakes to
examine the weaknesses of the right (lack of leaders worth of the
name, lack of preparation, incompetence, etc.) and, then, to remedy
them by means of a strategy inspired more or less by the 'scientifical
criteria' assumed in the political field since a few decades by
gramscism in particular and by leftism in general, making it crystal
clear, however, that he does not share in any way its ideology, its
world-outlook and its existential perspective, and that he is only
interested in its strategy, which, according to him, has enabled it to
come to and to remain in power.
This work is thus not only necessary - the latest radiography of the
right, to the best of our knowledge, was performed by J. Evola in the
early 1970's -, but also meritorious. It is just a shame that it lacks
concrete examples and that the only ones which are given are only
taken from the Italian and the French context. Leaving aside that the
author seems to have aimed, among other things, at using all the words
contained in the Italian dictionary without necessarily giving them
the same meaning as they have in it, there is no doubt that what we
are dealing with here is an important work, if only for the reason
that it is free from most of the superficial antitheses which blind
and paralyse most contemporary so-called far-rightists. For instance,
current terrorism is assessed for what it actually is, that is to say,
a 'divide and rule/conquer' tool in the hands of the intelligence
services controlled by the oligarchy currently in office by proxy
(needless to read J. Kleeves' rather disappointing articles on the
2005 London bombings -
http://it.altermedia.info/economia/john-kleeves-sugli-attentati-di-londra_1954.h\
tml#more-1954
- to realise, for various reasons, among which the very design of the
London underground, that a MI, whether 5 or 16, was behind them ; the
fact that the 2004 Madrid bombings, which were also imputed to Muslim
terrorist cells, happened during one of the five daily prayers of the
Muslims should also get some people thinking about the kind of
cynicism cultivated by the individuals who are behind all this) ; two
excerpts of 'The Reign of Quantity' on counter-initiation are quoted
and the pseudo-elites in charge of globalisation are righly diagnosed
as 'counter-initiatory' ; the so-called 'System' is rightly described
- as we did a few years ago in one of our posts about
National-Bolshevism and Eurasianism - as something both homogeneous
and heterogeneous, depending on the circumstances : homogeneous, when
it has to fight an objective enemy (yet, there is no longer any
organised counter-power) and heterogeneous, when there is no objective
counter-power left and all the components of the so-called 'System'
can then freely engage in intestine struggles (the conflict which was
started recently - more precisely, on the 08/08/08 - in an area whose
main city turns out to be Stalin's place of birth is a perfect example
of this) ; the role of kabbalistic spells in the psychological warfare
waged by the so-called 'System' is justifiedly underlined ; the
absolutisation of the hackneyed antithesis between Zionism and
anti-Zionism, which has become the blinding and paralysing obsession
of most of the components of the far-right, is avoided ; current
Satanism is put into perspective, a perspective which we have put
forward repeatedly ourselves : "The blooming of 'churches of Satan'
is, to a great extent even if not completely, a smoke-screen. If
wickedness, spiritual dissatisfaction, counter-initiatory desire,
characterise these emerging sects, Satan, in reality, has its quiet
headquarters elsewhere : in medias, in multinationals, at the church,
at the synagogue, at the mosque, in the United Nations, in
intelligence agencies, in terrorist organisations, in banks, at the
stock exchange, in ONGs, in non profit foundations, in pharmaceutical
companies, in health research, in charitable organisations, among the
'evil' ones and, essentially, among the 'good' ones. It is not by
chance that it won a world war" ; the concept of empire, judging from
various quotes, seems to be understood in an Evolian and, thus,
traditional and European sense.
On the other hand, Freemasons such as Garibaldi, who, by their ideas
and by their actions, have contributed largely to undermine and
destroy Central Empires, are highly praised ; historical figures such
as F. Mitterand and H. Kohl are seen as genuine Europeans and their
political activities as genuinely European in spirit ; in utter
contradiction with historical facts, which, besides, show
superabundantly that history is made by minorities, "conquering Islam"
is seen as a marginal aspect of the Muslim world ; the idealisation of
Fascism, against which Evola warned us in 'Fascism and the
Traditional Political Idea'
(http://thompkins_cariou.tripod.com/id24.html), can be clearly felt.
However, there is worse, far worse, especially from someone who, like
the author, means to look at symbols from a traditional standpoint :
it is the very choice he makes of piracy as a point of reference for
those who are still standing among the ruins : on that basis, the
pirate would be a form, possibly the highest one, of differentiated
man. Symbolically speaking, the Roman 'turtle' and the Caribbean
'turtle' are wrongly identified with each other.
And this is why :
"The breakup of the Templars was directly responsible for the dramatic
rise in piracy that plagued Europe, America, and even the Indian
ocean. The pirates themselves were organized in fraternal
brotherhoods, they pledged themselves to the good of the group, they
promised to share equally in the proceeds, and they even fought under
the same battle flag that was flown by the Templar fighting fleet.
Stranger still, the pirate bases—ports in Scotland, Ireland, and
America where pirates could openly dock and sell their booty — were
protected by Masonic cells that extended to the courthouses and
capitol buildings. Smuggling, too, grew as a worldwide enterprise
despite its illegality. Ports from Salem and Newport to the Caribbean
and Bermuda, which harbored and facilitated the trade of pirates, had
no qualms about aiding and abetting smugglers. For the same reasons
that Masonic organizations grew into labor and artisan guilds that
protected the livelihood of their members, individuals in the
smuggling business needed to be considered trustworthy. In Bermuda,
where possibly two thirds of the eighteenth-century trade was illegal,
trading partners had to maintain secrecy. THE ISLAND WAS AND IS A
BASTION OF MASONRY (...)"
"The family wealth of Franklin and Theodore Roosevelt had been built
on drug running. (...). Other presidents have been connected to piracy
by their relations. John Tyler married into a family whose status was
achieved on pirate booty. Millard Fillmore's great-grandfather was
tried for piracy. Like opium trading, piracy was an enterprise that
depended on a widespread system of recognition and trust. From Cape
Cod and eastern Long Island to New York City, North Carolina, and New
Orleans pirates trusted each other and knew those in power who
provided shelter, legal protection, and a market for their goods. When
on land, the pirate captains reported to the powerful few who
protected their trade. These connections were made and preserved
through the Masonic halls. Governors, mayors, and judges licensed and
invested in pirate voyages, the proceeds of which helped build family
fortunes. Pirate ships were floating lodges where ritual, secrecy, and
blood oaths were the glue bonding the pirates. BUT THE RANK-AND-FILE
PIRATE BROTHERS WERE NOT WELCOME AT THE LODGE MEETINGS OF THE HOLLAND."
"In medieval times the choices for most young men (and women) were few
and unappealing. Inheritance law once gave the family estate to the
eldest son and allowed the younger brothers and sisters to stay only
if they remained unmarried. Daughters were married off and sons
apprenticed out or sent to study for the priesthood, as their fathers
saw fit. War brought opportunity. Enlisting for the Crusades gave men
the chance to leave behind a predestined life. The Crusades meant
adventures and the possibility of bettering one's circumstances. Going
to sea offered the same escape. Life at sea was adventurous, and
enabled some to return home with enough money to live out their lives.
However, most men who joined the Crusades to escape the mundane fate
of becoming priests or apprentices could not even step back into those
vocations. When Jerusalem was lost and the Knights Templar disbanded,
many had little chance of returning to society. Fearing prosecution or
simply poverty, many decided to keep on enjoying the daredevil life.
For the fighting soldier, one choice was to become a mercenary in the
newly emerging fighting orders from Scotland to the Mediterranean Sea.
For the sailor, the life of a privateer, a smuggler, or a pirate held
even more promise of reward. Both mercenary and pirate became members
of a society within the society. Pirates have been portrayed as bands
of swashbuckling, peg-legged lunatics with homicidal tendencies since
the days of the eighteenth-century writer Daniel Defoe. The real story
is less colorful—and more interesting. Although many would live "the
merry life and the short life," as Defoe's fact-bending tales called
it, others enjoyed a life expectancy longer than that of sailors on
British navy ships. They ate better, were treated less harshly, and
shared in a greater portion of their gains. Pirates were banded
together by covenants that provided more protection than English naval
law, and were regularly voted on by every sailor aboard. The pirate
ship and pirate ports like Saint Mary's in Madagascar were the first
instances of democratic rule. THE ONE-MAN, ONE-VOTE SYSTEM ABOARD THE
PIRATE SHIP WAS NOT DUPLICATED UNTIL THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. EVEN
THEN, VOTING WAS NOT AS DEMOCRATIC AS PIRATE RULE."
"Pirates bought supplies and arms, sold ill-gotten gains from wool to
jewels, and often retired to estates, or at least farms, bought with
the proceeds of their life's work. To deal with conventional society,
they had to have connections. To create such connections meant that
they had to belong to a brotherhood. The brotherhood went much deeper
than a small group banding together. As remnant Templars became
organized in lodges, old ties were restored. Masonry, more or less
underground until the early eighteenth century, provided lodging,
employment, food, and even clothes to brothers. Masonry also provided
connections to a network, underground and often above the law. When
Freemasonry was finally acknowledged, a secret oath for a Master Mason
acknowledged that masons were "BROTHERS TO PIRATES AND CORSAIRS."
Those who sailed under the skull and crossbones could rely on
protection in the ports and in the courts, where a secret handshake or
coded phrase required fellow Masons to come to the aid of a their
brethren. Fortunes built by pirates and by those who outfitted them
with supplies and bought their goods survived the "golden age of
piracy." Dynasties created through underworld activity and membership
in secret societies would pave the way to power that survives into
modern times.
(Secret Societies of America's Elite, S. Sora, Destiny Books, 2003)