It's nice to see that members do not just read current posts, but go
back to previous ones and try to develop them further.
Indeed, it's been a while since the 'fifth estate' has been coming to
the surface. When dealing with this issue from an evolian standpoint,
we often quote 'Avvento del "Quinto Stato"?', an article written in
the 1960's (see 'Fenomenologia della sovversione - L'Antitradizione in
scritti politici del 1933-70', Sear, 1993), but we might as well quote
the following excerpt from 'Rivolta contro il mondo moderno', in which
the book from which Evola worked on in this respect ('Die Heraufkunft
des fünften Standes', E. Berl), is also mentioned :
"Con la Rivoluzione Francese è stato il terzo stato ad assumere,
fattualmente, il potere come borghesia. I movimenti socialisti e
proletari preludono all'avvento del Quarto Stato. Che cosa sarebbe il
Quinto Stato? Bisogna riferirsi all'idea che ogni organizzazione
comprende due principi elementari, forze di ordine da un lato, forze
di caos dall'altro. Quando un ciclo volge al termine, il substrato
elementare, il fondo subpersonale e quasi si potrebbe dire
goethianamente "demonico", tende tornare allo stato libero, ad agire
in modo distruttivo, a prendere il sopravvento. Questo è, al limite,
ciò che può corrispondere all'avvento del Quinto Stato. Il Berl aveva
creduto di riconoscere, su tale linea, un valore sintomatico al
fenomeno moderno di una delinquenza organizzata ed endemica, il primo
esempio tipico del quale è stato il gangsterismo americano. Con un
paradosso si potrebbe dire: il caos che si organizza."
Evola agrees with Berl that American gangsterism and some 'demonic'
aspects of Bolshevism are symptoms of the emergence of the 'fifth
estate'. So the question ('Avvento del "Quinto Stato"?') is highly
rhetorical.
The issue of the 'fifth estate' is quite often tackled on more or less
evolian Italian websites and there is a lot of confusion going on. Let
us try to clarify it. First, in historical times and in any
traditionally oriented society, there has been a substratum of
individuals representing what is now called the 'fifth estate'. In
Vedic India, they were called 'Pariah', or 'Samanya', or 'Asprushya' ;
in ancient Rome, those who had 'neither hearth nor home', and many
early Christians belonged to this substratum. However, they did not
have any political power ; the only influence they had was limited to
that which they exerted on the subtle plane. They were not regarded as
an 'estate' as such. By the coming of the 'fifth estate, what is meant
is its actual rise to power. Have the rioters whose targeted raids
("They never burnt the Post Office or unemployment office on Parli
Princes Road. They had to cash their welfare state benefits").are
lavishly described in 'Action! Race Wars to Door Wars' actually risen
to power, come into office?
They haven't, as a group, as an 'estate'. Countries such as the UK and
the Unites States are still managed by a crew of homosexuals who are
drawn from bourgeois families and have graduated at the most expensive
universities, even though their mentality is far closer to that of the
gangster than to that of their paternalist grand-fathers. The fact
still remains that, over the past centuries, some of those who have
'neither hearth nor home' have managed to infiltrate themselves into
the cogwheel of the bourgeois state. In most cases, they did not have
to struggle to get into it : they were co-opted. Rockefeller
(according to declassified US administration papers, the true founding
and sponsoring fathers of the EU are Rockefeller and the CFR ; see
also
http://www.prisonplanet.com/articles/march2006/020306socialistdictatorship.htm)
by Rothschild (http://www.apfn.net/rockefeller.htm). Rockefeller was,
to put it mildly, a gangster. And so are the political schemers of an
increasingly large number of Western countries, Italy, Russia and most
former communist European countries are managed by mafia henchmen,
whom, as far as Italy is concerned, the Yankee army hired and
established in key positions as soon as it invaded Sicily in 1943,
whereas, as early as 1925, Mussolini had sent to Sicily the 'supercop'
Cesare Mori to inflict a crushing blow to the mafia
(http://www.americanmafia.com/Feature_Articles_302.html). No wonder :
as evidenced by C. Levinson in 'Vodka Cola', nine big Yankee companies
out of ten were built on underworld money. In 'Le réveil des mafias',
Lattès, Paris, 2003, X. Raufer, a professor at the Institute of
Criminology at Paris II, cannot but note that all the administrative
(sic) districts of Moscow are under the gun of mafia gangs and that
all these gangs are managed by Jews. As is well-known, the Kremlin has
been nothing else than a virtual synagogue from 1917 to this very day.
As to France, it is now a Hollywood studio where a parody of 'The
Godfather' is being shot.
G. Adinolfi is a prominent far right essayist
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gabriele_Adinolfi). He has just
published a book ('La Tortuga'), which is meant to be a tribute to the
Right, to its formative and living principles and to the historical
figures who, according to him, have embodied them over the centuries.
It is an uneven work, filled as it is, on one hand, with
considerations reflecting the confused spirit of the age
(http://groups.yahoo.com/group/evola_as_he_is/message/1129 ; not to
mention an avowed admiration for Che Guevara) and, on the other hand,
with clear-headed analyses of current social and political phenomena :
"Some people believe, deluding themselves, he states about the current
situation in French suburbs, that the French system is in crisis and
that the 'real country' or the "silent majority', exasperated, is
about to react. In effect, as in Italy in 1977 (when the police was
shot at every Saturday evening), social guerrilla, which has become
endemic in France, is completely instrumentalised. Those who expect
god knows what positive reaction - without wanting to go on and on
about the psychological and ideological value of such a wait - are
going to have bitter surprises. Possible reactions themselves are part
of the game and will be pointed in the worst dead-ends. I know that
many feverishly expect contradictions to break out and to sweep away
the system. I am sad to wipe away their illusions, but I think that,
today, it is the most important thing to do. Those who [like G. Faye
and a lot of new right intellectuals] keep on interpreting the crisis
of the state and the disintegration of society as a sign of weakness
of authority have not understood anything to the time in which they
live. The weakness of the state and the implosion of society are part
of the elements of current authority. What has been happening in
France, far from weakening the oligarchical power, strengthens it.
Radical minorities must stop dreaming of divine surprises (which,
besides, even if they happened, would find them totally unprepared),
but, instead, start to rely only on themselves and to devote
themselves only to day-to-day life (...). Hic et nunc, one must act
without illusions."
It's not the first time that the populace is instrumentalised by
antitraditional forces. The populace of Paris was once used by the
Bourgeois and the Jew who was behind him to bring down the remains of
the monarchy ; as soon as they came to power, the Bolsheviks released
from Tsarist prisons thousands and thousands of criminals (see J.
Lina, 'Under the Sign of the Scorpion'). "The criminal phenomenon in
the former USSR does not constitute the unexpected continuation of the
political explosion of the Communist regime. For some authors, there
is no doubt that the current criminological realities of the former
USSR are the fruit of the union of the caste of robbers [there is an
actual caste of robbers in Southern India ; see J.G. Frazer, 'The
Golden Bough' :
http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=DZQ56K4hU7IC&pg=RA1-PA141&lpg=RA1-PA141&dq=+%\
22caste+of+robbers%22&source=web&ots=zINe-cu22_&sig=pj3-KrLjBT-W4BEX58bLf20nW1I&\
hl=en)
and of the single-party system, and the child resulting from this
interbreeding would not have been born without the agreement of
Lenine, which was perpetuated by that of Stalin. Organised crime, as
it appears today, is deeply rooted in Russian history"
(http://www.bancpublic.be/PAGES/132introMafiaRusse.htm). Those who can
read French cannot afford to miss this enlightening study on the
collusion between capitalo-Marxism and gangsterism in Russia since
1917. Under democratic conditions, criminals can now walk free,
'tagged' as they are.
A few years ago, the mayor of a French town in the suburbs of Paris
was taped by his secretary as he was calling a guy to ask him to set
up a crew to set on fire the local gymnasium. "Con un paradosso si
potrebbe dire: il caos che si organizza."
The 'fifth estate' might very well be led by those who, in Russia, in
the United States and in its colony, the EU, have been trying hard to
create a synthesis between speculative capitalism and Communism,
something which, given the origin of both viruses, is most achievable,
and which, as a matter of fact, is already virtually achieved in China.
--- In evola_as_he_is@yahoogroups.com, "Thulean Imperial Inquisitor"
<asbrekka@...> wrote:
>
> The Fifth Estate was alive already decades ago, and has probably growing
> been growing.
> In the book "Action! Race Wars to Door Wars" the street-fighter NS
> veteran Joe Owens describes how 'men', under the influence of
> infra-human elements, in all steps of society, from the negro
> drug-dealer/pimp to the Arch-bishop, from the Communist revolutionary to
> the Capitalist politician, united together against law and order:
> On 11th April, 1981, riots erupted in Brixton. Brixton, being a mainly
> black area of south London, had been simmering for some time. Local
> black youth blamed the police and the dreaded Sus law that allowed the
> police to arrest anyone they believed was up to no good. The black youth
> believed it was used to unjustly target them. The final straw came when
> the police arrested a black man, then BANG! Brixton erupted. Nearly
> three hundred police officers and sixty-five civilians were injured, and
> a white woman raped. In addition, millions of pounds worth of damage was
> done to property.
>
> The usual brigade of left wing do-gooders and assorted clergy crawled
> out from under their flat stones, protecting the rioters and blaming the
> police. You even had Lord Scarman and the Scarman Enquiry blaming the
> police and the so-called dreaded Sus law. Operation Swamp had been
> intended to clear the muggers off the streets. The blacks, not liking
> this, decided to riot and burn the place down. Black communities in
> other parts of the country noted the reaction to the Brixton riots and
> decided to flex their muscles too… On Friday, July 3rd, 1981, the
> arrest of 20-year-old Leroy Cooper on Selbourne Street, watched by an
> angry crowd, led to a fracas in which three police officers were
> injured. This catalyst set Toxteth ablaze. Over the weekend that
> followed full-blown riots broke out on the streets of Toxteth. There
> were pitched battles between police and youths throwing missiles and
> petrol bombs. The rioting lasted for several days.
>
> During this period over 781 police officers were injured and some 500
> people arrested. At least 150 buildings were demolished or burnt down
> during the riots, and millions of pounds worth of damage was done. The
> casualties included the Rialto Ballroom, which had played host to
> concerts by The Beatles. Here is a firsthand account from a witness to
> the riot,
> "At the top of Upper Parliament Street there was a milk place and a
> car hire next to each other. They used the milk bottles and the petrol
> from the car hire garage to make petrol bombs and rained them down on
> the police who formed a line across Parli. They gradually pushed the
> police back down Parli bit by bit. They were outwitting the police. They
> used the hire cars to run at the police lines by putting bricks on the
> accelerators and jumping out the cars way beforehand. The police
> scattered like flies each time a driverless car screeched down at them.
> They also used a JCB [a bulldozer - TII] to attack the police too. They
> used it as a tank with the petrol bombers behind who would emerge and
> reign down the bombs on the police. Then the JCB would pull back for
> another run. They used the JCB to knock down parts of the buildings and
> then ran it at the police vehicles with jib swinging. Very effective
> indeed. The police would bang their riot shields to make a noise to
> frighten the rioters (or army by now). They responded by banging on the
> ground or banging bits of metal together to frighten the police.
>
> The occasional hand-to-hand fighting meant a policeman was beaten badly
> – I never saw it the other way around. The police wisely would not
> venture out of their lines. These kids were fearless and had it in for
> the cops. The police could not push the rioters back with vehicles as
> the road was littered with wrecks and buildings burning either side. On
> one of the last nights, bit by bit they pushed the police back down
> Parli until they reached Catharine Street. If they pushed the police
> down Catharine Street they were then in the city centre. Then the guns
> were used against them. Only Liverpool police were at the front line
> with the reserves from other forces behind them in case they were
> broken. Police from other forces were mainly patrolling the areas the
> Liverpool police could not cover.
>
> They never burnt the Post Office or unemployment office on Parli/
> Princes Road. They had to cash their welfare state benefits.
>
> More damage was done in those nights to Liverpool 8 than what Hitler
> did in 6 years."
> Jeff Ashcroft joined the police as a seventeen-year-old cadet in 1971.
> Ten years on, at the time of the Toxteth riots, he was stationed at
> Manor Road Police Station in Wallasey, on the Wirral. He was presented
> with a commendation for his actions at the Toxteth riots by the Chief
> Constable of Merseyside, Kenneth Oxford. In May 2001, he retired on an
> ill-health pension, having been awarded eighteen commendations during
> his service. Here he relives the first night of rioting in Toxteth,
> Liverpool.
> "I was on an afternoon shift, a normal sort of day for a uniformed
> foot
> patrol officer. Then as the day turned to night, a sergeant hurried
> around in a van, quickly picking up as many officers as possible. We
> where told that youths in Liverpool at a place called Toxteth, had
> started to riot.
>
> At the time, I laughed; thinking this was some sort of joke. I was
> looking forward to the end of my shift and a nice cold pint of bitter. I
> can't describe how it felt when the van arrived in a side street at
> the bottom of Upper Parliament Street. We could hear this strange
> animal-like howling mixed with the sound of breaking glass. In hurried
> amazement (and fear) we lined up and were quickly given a riot shield,
> something I'd only seen before on the news from Belfast. Following a
> very nervous sergeant, we walked around the corner into hell! There
> before us stood row upon row of ambulances, police vehicles and officers
> rushing towards Upper Parliament Street. I could see that the vehicles
> seemed lit by a strange flickering light. I checked the street lighting
> at first, but my eyes where quickly drawn instead to a solid wall of
> uniformed officers and several fires beyond them. It was then that I saw
> my first petrol bomb.
>
> Like a small meteorite, I watched in awe as it arced down over the tops
> of the officers, to fall with a smash and flash of fire onto the street
> between them and me. I swallowed hard as my mouth ran dry. I could
> literally taste the fear of what was impacting on my senses. Two
> ambulance-men carrying a stretcher walked quickly past me towards the
> ambulances. My eyes were drawn to an officer lying on the stretcher with
> his head cut wide open. I remember my sergeant telling us that we were
> going to relieve officers on the front line. It was a nightmare of fire,
> noise and hatred the like of which I'd never seen or imagined.
>
> Yes, I'd faced many an angry man (and woman) before and knew
> that violent confrontation came with the job but not this. Here were
> people I didn't know in an area I'd never visited, trying their
> very best
> to kill me. I watched in horror for what seemed like hours as officer
> after officer fell pole-axed with head injuries from unseen flying
> missiles.
> We'd been issued with a stupid little plastic face guard that fixed
> to
> the front of our helmets. Those old helmets offered no protection at
> all from flying bricks, stones and bits of iron railings. You never saw
> them coming until one hit you. I jumped every time something thudded
> against my riot shield. In fact I grew to like the petrol bombs – at
> least you could see them coming.
>
> As the night progressed, so too did the intensity of hatred towards us.
> We were forced to stand there as stationary targets, because senior
> officers hadn't a clue how to handle the situation. Towards the
> morning we started to falter and I remember a very brave inspector
> (bleeding from a cut over his eye and missing his tie and hat) shouting
> at us to hold fast. A mate standing next to me gave me three cigarettes
> over the next 30 minutes. Not only was I smoking on duty but it took the
> three cigarettes before I realised I didn't smoke! Finally at dawn,
> we'd had enough. Ignoring orders from above most of us drew our
> batons and roaring in anger, charged forward, some throwing aside our
> shields. Senior officers tried to order us to stand our ground and were
> promptly told where to go! We charged the rioters, catching a few,
> seeing off the rest and that ended the first night of rioting.
>
> When we eventually arrived back at Wallasey, minus ties, faces blackened
> and dirty, tunics undone and with shocked blank looks on
> our faces, we where met with total surprise and looks of horror by the
> morning shift and civilians alike. The shields we left in the van,
> hoping
> that nothing like that would ever happen again. But after a few hours
> sleep at home, I was telephoned to come in early. I was heading back
> to Liverpool and the riots.
>
> I can safely say, I'll remember those few months for the rest of my
> life. It's a funny thing, but it's amazing how one can overcome
> and
> adapt to any given situation. A few days after the first day of the
> riots,
> I found myself in Lodge Lane, watching it burn down. I stood in a
> looted shop phoning my mom, telling her I was okay but I had to go as
> the shop was on fire and the flames were getting a bit close!"
> It was the first time on the UK mainland that police had used C.S. Gas
> to restore some kind of order before they were overwhelmed by rioters.
> Some police officers hadn't slept in almost twenty-four hours.
> Twenty-five rounds of C.S. gas (ferret rounds) were fired at the
> rioters, two hitting Phil Robins in the chest and back, leaving him with
> serious wounds. The rounds were fired in rapid succession, the first
> hitting Robins in the chest and spinning him round so quickly that the
> second hit him in the back.
>
> Overall, it had been a very vicious and violent premeditated attack on
> the police, unprecedented on the UK mainland. The police were taken
> totally by surprise and off-guard. They were not equipped to deal with
> such massive public disorder, with protective clothing being
> non-existent. They had more or less stood there for over twenty-four
> hours, while rioters had a free hand to hurl every type of missile and
> petrol bomb at them. This was because Merseyside Chief Constable Ken
> Oxford bowed to political pressure not to deal with the rioters as they
> should have been dealt with, leaving his men at the mercy of the mob.
> Only when things looked like they were about to get out of control, with
> police officers lives at risk, did he order the firing of C.S. Gas.
> Instead of doing this in the first place, he waited until over seven
> hundred police officers were injured, and loss of life a real
> possibility, before
> ending the riot by ordering the C.S. rounds fired.
>
> With black humour, an anonymous local up-dated a well-known saying,
> "Red sky at night, shepherd's delight, Red sky in the morning
> – Toxteth's burning!"
>
> After the fires went out and Toxteth returned to some semblance of
> normality, the usual anti-police, left-wing, do-gooder PR machine began
> to kick in. Lady Margaret Simey was a former councillor for the
> Granby/Toxteth ward and all round so-called champion of the poor. Now
> chairing the Merseyside Police Authority, she publicly attacked the
> police, even saying of the rioters, "They would have been apathetic
> fools had they not rioted." She called for an end to police stop and
> search tactics, and police racism. Social conditions in Toxteth were the
> causes of the riots, with unemployment, bad housing and police racism
> just being some of them, said Lady Simey.
>
> David Alton, the sitting MP for Edge Hill said it was "a powder
> keg". It's like a time bomb that is ticking away and could blow
> the heart out of our inner cites. If young people become angry and erupt
> against the people who have shown such callous contempt for their
> problems." Our old friend Paul Sommerfield, of the Merseyside
> Community Council, joined in the chorus and said, "It was a
> spontaneous reaction of anger and resentment and it's got to be
> recognised as such, not brushed under the
> table by claiming it was just a couple of rabble rousers stirring things
> up."
>
> Not to be left out, the two bishops of Liverpool, Bishop David Shepherd
> and Archbishop Derek Warlock were quick to condemn heavy-handed police
> tactics, defending their flock unreservedly. The BNP was to come up
> against these two saviours of God's underprivileged several years
> later. Derek Hatton and Tony Mulhearn's Militant Tendency also
> jumped onto the bandwagon of anti-police/ anti-Oxford hysteria. The
> Labour Party Young Socialists produced a leaflet, distributing it in
> Toxteth, which called for all charges to be dropped against the rioters
> and all those arrested to be released. They also called for a one-day
> strike in protest at conditions in the area.
>
> Just when you thought it could not get any worse, it did. We then had
> the very rioters themselves forming an anti-police group in the form of
> the Liverpool 8 Defence Committee. Michael Showers headed the L8DC –
> a black gangster from Toxteth, later convicted of smuggling heroin,
> Showers was well known to the police. He regularly drove around Toxteth
> in his Rolls Royce. He had been a suspect in several murders, including
> that of a prostitute in Toxteth. He was rumoured to be a pimp as well as
> a drug-dealer. Anyway, the all round bad boy was now all round good guy,
> standing up for the poor and oppressed of Toxteth… After the rag-bag
> of lefty, do-gooder, traitors had lined up to attack both the police and
> law and order, they set in motion the ultimate humiliation of the
> Merseyside force and Ken Oxford.
> On the 15 August 1981 an `anti-Oxford' march was planned for
> Liverpool City centre. It was to start at Sefton Park, Toxteth, and end
> with a rally at the pier-head. Red traitor and IRA supporter Tony
> Mulhearn, chairman of Liverpool Labour Party, spelled out what the
> purpose of the march was, "Ken Oxford must go because he is
> responsible for the policing methods which were a major factor in
> provoking the Toxteth riots."
>
> He, like the rest of the Red termites of that time, was more concerned
> about bringing about their workers' revolution, than the welfare of
> Toxteth residents, black or white. They jumped on any passing bandwagon
> of discontent and civil unrest. They were prepared to use anyone or any
> situation to advance their political agenda.
> Home Secretary William Whitelaw was flooded with telegrams from Toxteth
> residents who feared the march would end in violence. Victims of
> Violence campaigner Joan Jonker (this was a true champion of the
> helpless and victims of society) called for the march to be banned.
>
> "There is no need for anyone to be worried," aid L8DC spokesman
> Peter Bassey. Merseyside's senior Community Relations Officer, Mr
> Paul Sommerfield, dismissed accusations that the march was being
> hijacked by extremists. Well, try telling that to the seventeen police
> officers who were stabbed and beaten during and after the march…
>
> When we heard of the proposed march, we decided to do something about
> it, to stage some sort of counter-demonstration. I knew we would not
> have the numbers to mount a serious counter-demo, but we couldn't
> stand by and let these Reds and Blacks march unopposed – we had to
> do something. Myself, Ken Usher, Jimmy McGhee, Martin Dillon, Joey D,
> George Hesketh, Nicky Williams, Paul Jordan, Andy, and a few good lads
> I'd brought from Norris Green, all waited at Saint Luke's church
> at the top of Bold Street, that Saturday afternoon.
>
> As the marchers drew nearer and turned into Hardman Street, from Rodney
> Street, you could hear an almighty roar, reminiscent of the film Zulu.
> As the marchers got closer to Bold Street, we saw police officers'
> helmets being thrown into the air. This signalled to us that it must
> have gone off, that the police were now under attack. As the
> black/communist mob arrived at Bold St; it became apparent what was
> happening. Oxford had caved in yet again to the demands of the mob.
> He'd ordered
> a minimal police presence in an attempt to avoid provoking the marchers.
> In fact, it had the opposite effect. Now the police were thin on the
> ground, the black mob decided to attack. Even before the Red/black mob
> got to Bold Street, several police officers had been attacked and
> stabbed. A twenty-one-year-old Merseyside officer, by the name of Glyn
> Jones, tried to help after hearing colleagues shouting for assistance
> and seeing helmets hurled in the air. His bravery almost cost him his
> life, for the young officer was surrounded by a savage mob, and had a
> stiletto-style knife plunged into him just below the heart.
>
> By now, this crowd of savages was at the top of Bold Street, where we
> stood and was positively frightening. Leading the mob were several
> hundred angry-looking blacks, some armed with wooden staffs, some with
> flag poles. They were screaming abuse at anyone in uniform. Behind this
> group followed something that took me totally by surprise… They
> carried a white coffin as if in a funeral procession. It had a pig's
> head sitting on it, wearing a policeman's helmet. Written on the
> helmet was `Murderside Police'. If anyone had any doubts as to
> the marchers' intentions, these would have been quickly dispelled
> when setting eyes on this lot. I have to admit – it had me scared
> for a moment. We collectively decided that confrontation with the black
> mob heading the march would have been suicidal – we simply
> didn't have the numbers.
> We let the march pass making its way down Renshaw Street. We ran off,
> down Bold Street towards Church Street, waiting at the corner of
> Whitechapel. We knew the marchers would be going past Whitechapel, onto
> Lord Street, as they made their way to the Pier Head.
>
> We intended to let the main group of blacks pass by, before deciding
> what to do. When the blacks had passed, we tried to steam into the
> marchers. One of our lot jumped in, shouting abuse at the filthy Reds,
> before he was jumped on by plain-clothes police. We then started
> shouting "Oxford in! Oxford in!"
>
> Now don't get me wrong, I was no Oxford fan. I looked upon him and
> the rest of his kind as sell-outs to the mob and the Reds. Shouting
> `Oxford in' was just to wind the Reds up, and get a bit of
> publicity. As we shouted, "Oxford in!" I remember a copper on
> his radio screaming, "Back up! Back up! Lunatics shouting at the
> marchers!" Considering our numbers we must have been lunatics to
> shout at a three-thousand strong Red mob… Police reinforcements
> arrived in seconds, and several snatch squads moved in to control us.
> They herded us back up Church Street, arresting the lad who jumped in at
> the Reds, charging him with threatening behaviour.
>
> Now seventeen police officers had been attacked, some badly injured.
> Their injuries ranged from stab wounds to a fractured skull, yet not a
> single arrest was made. The only person arrested that day was a brave
> patriot with more guts than the craven Ken Oxford. The Toxteth riots are
> now firmly lodged as part of Liverpool folklore. Both policeman and
> rioter will have many a tale to tell their grandchildren. We'll
> probably never know the full extent of the impact on the lives of those
> hundreds of policemen hospitalised or injured. Some never worked again,
> let alone pounded the beat. Both they and their families will forever
> bear the scars – mental or physical – of those dreadful nights.
> There is one thing I do know – as did Ken Oxford – anti-social
> elements and fifth columnists operated side by side to undermine the
> rule of law. These ranged from Lady Simey, Tony Mulhearn, and the
> Bishops, right down to Michael Showers & co. at gutter level. All had a
> role to play in an orchestrated attempt to destroy the very society
> tolerating them.
>
> I'm not saying they were all part of a conspiracy to foment public
> disorder to hasten the advent of the `workers' revolution'…
> Mulhearn et al might dream of ushering in a Marxist utopia, and a no-go
> area for dealing drugs. They all helped in their little (and not so
> little) ways to strain the fabric of society. When people such as Simey
> chair the police authority, Red traitors like Mulhearn run the council,
> and the likes of Showers control the shock troops on the ground, Red
> revolution ceases to be a fantasy of the paranoid right. Their common
> purpose and goal was to defeat the state. The state – at local level
> – was defended by the police. For some a revolutionary climate would
> result, for others unfettered criminality. Their timing was out and they
> missed their chance, but the intention was there.
>
> Ken Oxford clung to the shallow-minded belief that he could appease
> those lining up to lynch him, with concession after concession. Giving
> in to Simey, Showers and the rest of their ilk would make it all go
> away. The rioters would all go home and he'd still be in line for a
> trip to Buckingham palace… Well, how wrong you were Mr Oxford.
> Oxford's cowardice put hundreds of his fellow policemen in jeopardy.
> Some never fully recovered from the nightmare of July 5th. He abandoned
> the decent law-abiding people of Toxteth, black and white, to anarchy
> and
> the mercy of the mob.
>
> He left his men – thin on the ground – to be stabbed, beaten and
> almost killed, at the anti-Oxford/anti-police march staged by Showers
> and co. By caving in to the demands for a low-key police presence he
> placed the sensibilities of the mob above the safety of citizens. His
> record is one of vacillation, compromise, and kow-towing to the enemies
> of this country. The outcome was almost inevitable but he was
> more concerned for his own career and future, than the attacks on his
> men
> in the street. Unwilling to risk damaging the cosy liberal consensus he
> abrogated his responsibilities while Toxteth burned…
>
> Perhaps I shouldn't be too judgemental about Ken Oxford, should try
> to understand the immense pressure he was under… At such a stressful
> time he was still capable of rational thought. This was evidenced when
> he accused, "One hundred thieves and vagabonds living in
> Toxteth." Of being ring-leaders of the violence. He further inflamed
> local feeling with his description of black Liverpudlians as, "The
> product of liaisons between white prostitutes and black sailors."
> The Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, was subject to
> similar political pressures, the usual suspects queuing up to get him.
> Yet he never caved-in to the mob, or those in league with them. No,
> Anderton lined up the force's Land Rovers, lights on full beam, and
> ordered them driven at the rioters. This had the desired effect, having
> them running for their lives. The next best thing, perhaps, to the
> `whiff of grape-shot' Napoleon prescribed. When Anderton did his
> duty the same types who'd attacked Oxford set about him in similar
> fashion. No conspiracy? Well I'm sorry, but I don't subscribe to
> the `no conspiracy' theory. As far as I'm concerned, it
> cannot be mere coincidence when politicians, the media and
> freaks-in-frocks (clergy) spout the same hatred, as if on cue, against
> anyone trying to uphold the rule of law. Their dreams of world
> revolution may be just that, but these termites are well and truly
> entrenched in our society, there at the beck and call of the mob, if
> favourable circumstances arise.
>