In evola_as_he_is Thompkins&Cariou wrote:
(...) According to him, this failure was due to Italian Catholic circles on one hand and to Italian official racialist circles on the other hand, and, in any case, not to the German side.(...)
(scroll down for the complete quotation)
This is still a delicate point: in a letter to the Ministry of the popular instruction and propaganda of the October 3, 1942, the Dr. Gross said about the work of Evola:
"...A public diffusion in Germany does not seem advisable, because we could not accept in a dogmatic way the exposure of the conceptions of Evola about the race doctrine. On the contrary we must develop a well established criticism..."
(from "Julius Evola nei documenti segreti del Terzo Reich", Europa 1986).
(from "Julius Evola nei documenti segreti del Terzo Reich", Europa 1986).
Moreover, in Italy, even after the end of the war, prevailed the opinion that any racial discrimination NOT based on biological data, was uncertain and difficult to prove (also on behalf of the deputy of the MSI, Almirante).
F.
Hello,
Evola was critical of the official views of National-Socialism on
race, as is clear from some of the texts published on
http://thompkins_cariou.tripod.com . However, National-Socialism was
far from being a monolithic entity; not all its representatives
uphold that materialist and biological view on race which Evola
criticised as being too close to scientific and social Darwinism;
not all of them followed in Darré's footsteps on these matters.
Evola's standpoint must have found an echo among some of them,
especially among some of the representatives of conservative-
revolution, whether writers or not, as shown, if need be, by the
project 'Sangue e spirito', a review which was meant to contribute
to strengthen the relationship between Germany and Italy in the
political and racial field; Evola was invited repeatedly to Berlin
during WW2 to finalise the programme of this review. However, this
project fell through. According to him, this failure was due to
Italian Catholic circles on one hand and to Italian official
racialist circles on the other hand, and, in any case, not to the
German side.
Evola's sympathies for Himmler's views are well-known to the Anglo-
Saxon readers of Evola, who, on the strength of the few excerpts of
Evola's political work which have been translated into English,
think that this Italian author was very critical of Hitler's views
on race. Evola was indeed very critical of them, as shown by the
chapter twelve of 'Il Mito del sangue', 'Adolf Hitler's racism'.
However, Evola's all-out criticisms of it should not hide the few
elements which those two different conceptions have in common. For
instance, in 'Heidnischer Imperialismus', France is described in
terms which should ring a bell to those who are familiar with 'Mein
Kampf': as a "decadent, Negerised and Semiticised" country,
the "first source of the modern insurrection of the slaves". The
leader of the Third Reich, just like Evola, was aware that 'pure
races' no longer exist, not to mention that, a few years before
Evola, he was also aware of the "practical and political advantages
which the use of the terms "race", "racial purity", "defence of
race", entails" ("Sintesi di dottrina della razza"). The idea,
developped by Evola in 'Sintesi di dottrina della razza', according
to which, in any people, there are different racial elements and,
once the different racial elements present in a given people are
determined and its higher and creative element is found, it is a
matter of defining it and of strengthening it, can be found roughly
in the second part of 'Mein Kampf'.
Thompkins&Cariou
Evola was critical of the official views of National-Socialism on
race, as is clear from some of the texts published on
http://thompkins_cariou.tripod.com . However, National-Socialism was
far from being a monolithic entity; not all its representatives
uphold that materialist and biological view on race which Evola
criticised as being too close to scientific and social Darwinism;
not all of them followed in Darré's footsteps on these matters.
Evola's standpoint must have found an echo among some of them,
especially among some of the representatives of conservative-
revolution, whether writers or not, as shown, if need be, by the
project 'Sangue e spirito', a review which was meant to contribute
to strengthen the relationship between Germany and Italy in the
political and racial field; Evola was invited repeatedly to Berlin
during WW2 to finalise the programme of this review. However, this
project fell through. According to him, this failure was due to
Italian Catholic circles on one hand and to Italian official
racialist circles on the other hand, and, in any case, not to the
German side.
Evola's sympathies for Himmler's views are well-known to the Anglo-
Saxon readers of Evola, who, on the strength of the few excerpts of
Evola's political work which have been translated into English,
think that this Italian author was very critical of Hitler's views
on race. Evola was indeed very critical of them, as shown by the
chapter twelve of 'Il Mito del sangue', 'Adolf Hitler's racism'.
However, Evola's all-out criticisms of it should not hide the few
elements which those two different conceptions have in common. For
instance, in 'Heidnischer Imperialismus', France is described in
terms which should ring a bell to those who are familiar with 'Mein
Kampf': as a "decadent, Negerised and Semiticised" country,
the "first source of the modern insurrection of the slaves". The
leader of the Third Reich, just like Evola, was aware that 'pure
races' no longer exist, not to mention that, a few years before
Evola, he was also aware of the "practical and political advantages
which the use of the terms "race", "racial purity", "defence of
race", entails" ("Sintesi di dottrina della razza"). The idea,
developped by Evola in 'Sintesi di dottrina della razza', according
to which, in any people, there are different racial elements and,
once the different racial elements present in a given people are
determined and its higher and creative element is found, it is a
matter of defining it and of strengthening it, can be found roughly
in the second part of 'Mein Kampf'.
Thompkins&Cariou