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Reghini's 'Imperialismo pagano' (3d Part)   Topic List   < Prev Topic  |  Next Topic >
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Before the publication in English translation of 'Heidnischer
Imperialismus', this is the third part of Reghini's 'Heathen
Imperialism.

The Roman Imperial Tradition

Established in Rome with the double spiritual and temporal
authority, naturally, the Catholic Church had to oppose by all means
the rising of any political authority independent from it in Rome.
Two independent and sovereign political authorities cannot exist in
the same city and even less so when one of these is also a religious
authority.

But it seemed that the Church could keep quiet. Christianity had
spread to a large extent in Europe, and every remain of heathen
authority had disappeared ; the attempts of barbarian kings to re-
establish Italy as a unity, and those of Byzantine emperors to re-
establish in Italy imperial authority, had failed ; sects and
heresies had not been born yet or had not flourished, and the idea
of empire was only a memory. But it so happened that the need for it
was felt.

Another religion, springing from Judaism and Christianity, was
threatening from Asia. Muslim fanaticism did not put up a bad show
next to the Christian one ; from the depths of Arabia, Asian hordes
were going up to Europe, and were converting and conquering peoples
along the way with the argument of the scimitar.

In the East, the Empire contained and resisted for centuries Muslim
fury ; in the West, once Africa was conquered, Arabs were
threatening all the islands and the coasts of the peninsula, were
going over to Spain and crossing the Pyrenees. The awareness of the
danger made the West feel the necessity for political unity ; thus,
the empire was rising again. The capital was however not Rome, and
the political authority of the Papacy was not in danger ; while, on
the other hand, the Empire could not but lean on the Catholic
religion then universally accepted in Italy, in France, and in most
parts of Germany. But the union between the Catholic Church and the
Roman empire was essentially unnatural, and was to recur sincerely
only once, with Charles V, and to be short-lived. Meanwhile, the
idea of the Roman empire, actualised by Charlemagne, remained by
then present in the consciousness of the peoples, and became
gradually the secret hope of all the heretics, the ultimate aim of
all the secret societies which, from the eleventh to the fifteenth
century and after, swarmed the whole Europe. The story of this great
period is certainly still, if not to be written, to be understood.
It is not possible to fathom the true spirit of the upheavals of
that time without a knowledge of the Gnosticism, of the Manichaeism,
of the heathenism of almost all the heresies at that time, without
having reckoned the mystical and political secret of knighthood,
without having understood the gay science of love of the troubadours
and the jargon and the symbolism of secret societies, and without
having discovered the affinity and the occult binds which chained
together heretics and Ghibellines, Lombards and Toulousans, young
monks, troubadours and Knight Templars.

The Church, represented by troubadours and poets of love (including
Dante) as the apocalyptic beast and the Babylonian abomination, felt
deeply threatened, and defended itself by all means. The first
apostles "made the gospel a shield and spear", but the bloody hands
of Saint Dominic and of his pairs adopted non symbolic swords to
spread Christian faith and charity (9). The fire and the sword got
the better of the Toulousan heresy ; cheating and torture and
Inquisition were bringing down the omnipotent Order of the Temple,
which was threatening from its foundations both the temporal and
spiritual authority of the Church in Rome.

The onslaught had been terrible, the defence was merciless. The
greatest among Italians shivered with and suffered from it, and
called upon the assistance of the emperor and the vengeance of God.

With Dante, the monarchic Pythagorean-Roman conception became the
imperial Italic tradition, became again manifestly aware of itself.
This great idea actually links together Numa, Pythagoras, Caesar,
Virgil, Augustus, Dante and the other great Italians who came later.

And let those Catholic nationalists who want to make us believe that
Dante was Christian almost as if he had not been persecuted and
tried as heretic, and who make themselves out not to question the
orthodoxy of Dantesque imperialism as if 'De Monarchia' were not
blacklisted, let them seek some other Christopher Columbus to laud
as Catholic glory of humanity! For Dante, owing to the great Jupiter
and the good Apollo he called upon, was not Catholic and his
imperialism was heathen and Roman.

As he himself stated, his only master is Virgil ; but he himself
had "already seen human bodies flaring" as living torches in the
greatest praise of the lord God divine and merciful - he knew his
value and certainly did not want to renounce his great work by
sacrificing himself needlessly ; necessity forced him to become
Christian, but this was only a great Comedy. He is heathen and does
not miss an opportunity to indicate it ; right from the first song
of the sacred poem, Dante calls upon the Sun, divine Apollo, the
initiator of Hercules and of Eneas ; and it is known that the Divine
Comedy claimed to go back to the spirit of the sixth song of the
Eneiades. The isagogy is the same in both, it is the allegoric and
sometimes categorical exposition of the metamorphosis of man into
God : politically, thus, Virgil and Dante proceed to nothing else
but the exaltation of the Roman empire.

The always present enemy, the perennial object of the formidable
Dantesque invective, is the Church, symbolised in hell by the wolf,
in the purgatory by the apocalyptic beast ; and, while he manages to
push in hell the two Popes still alive at the time of his mystic
journey, he only uses the words 'heretic' and 'Catholic' once in the
whole poem, almost as to stave off the accusation of having wanted
to avoid them as the plague-stricken ones are avoided.

All the imperial and Ghibelline defeats and misfortunes make him
suffer. One gets a feeling that he curses the ill-omen and
mysterious tragedy which took away from Frederic his great minister
(10) ; Manfred and Conrad have all his sympathies. And, because of
the murder of Conrad and of the treason against the Templars, he
heaps as soon as he can France, the Capetians, the House of Angers,
and especially Philip le Bel.

Naturally, Dante could by no means drag himself behind Virgil in
Paradise. His guides, as is known, follow one another in this
order : Virgil, Pythagorian and imperialist ; Stace, whom he called
Toulousan motu proprio, simple hypostasis of Virgil ; Beatrice,
symbol of philosophy ; and, finally, Saint Bernard.

Saint Bernard, apparently so orthodox, gets so much praise for
having established the rule of the Templars. Dante, who did not
forget to call him the "contemplative", arrays him in the white
stole, the dress of the Knight Templars ; the same dress is worn by
the happy ones who form the rose of Paradise around the great Temple
cross ; and, seeing this immense cross, he utters these revealing
words : "As one, who fain would speak yet holds his peace, Beatrice
led me"; and, "Behold," she said, "This fair assemblage! stoles of
snowy white", in which the word 'assemblage' is the traditional
technical word used to refer to the great meetings of secret
societies, and it is justified with respect to white stoles ; the
vision recalls the Gnostic prayer of Valentine : "Adeste visiones
stolis albis candidae". The two great symbols of Paradise are the
eagle, the sacred bird which made the Romans the guides of the
world, and the rose-cross, which is not the mystical rose but rather
the sectarian rose of the 'Roman de la rose, ou l'art d'amour est
tout enclose', and the fundamental symbol of the mysterious
brotherhood of the Rose-Croix, and of the 18° degree of the Scottish
rite.

As the emperor was such by divine right, and as Dante derives the
legitimacy of the German emperor from that of the divine August, who
had certainly not received it from the Pope, it follows that,
spiritually too, imperial authority was independent from the
authority of the Pope. All there is to do is to read 'De Monarchia'
and to compare it with Cicero's 'De Republica' (Book I-XXXVII and
Book II-XXIII) to realise that both, working from the unitarian
Pythagorian principle, uphold the thesis of the excellence of the
monarchic (universal) government over any other ; as Cicero and
Virgil, Dante followed the great immortal tradition of the Italic
School, chronologically and essentially anti-Christian.

But we will deal more fully with the heathenism and imperialism of
Dante another time.

(9) Because the Dominicans were the nerve of the Inquisition (note
of the editor).

(10) Pier delle Vigne (or della Vigna), who committed suicide in
1249 because involved in the plot against Frederic II (note of the
editor)










Tue Sep 26, 2006 10:41 am

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Before the publication in English translation of 'Heidnischer Imperialismus', this is the third part of Reghini's 'Heathen Imperialism. The Roman Imperial...
evola_as_he_is Offline Send Email Sep 26, 2006
10:47 am

The great Florentine died in exile without seeing his hopes and his pleas to Henry of Luxembourg granted. The Church was prevailing, Guelfism was taking an...
evola_as_he_is Offline Send Email May 1, 2007
12:52 pm

Reghini's 'Imperialismo Pagano' was first published in the review 'Salamandra', January-February 1914, then in 'Atanor', March 1924, as a whole. It has been...
evola_as_he_is Offline Send Email May 3, 2007
5:23 pm

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