Giorgo Freda drew attention to him in 1963, when he published a
brochure which unleashed a barrage of hysterical criticism in the
Italian Jewish community and in the Italian communist party. In the
same year, he wrote to Evola; the reply from Evola can be found on
the site of the publishing house he set up the year after (
http://www.libreriaar.it/juliusevola.htm#Lettera ). In this letter,
Evola warned him against a mistake which had already been made by
most of the evolians who entered the political Italian mess in the
1960's ; this mistake, he made it too: he fell into the Semitic trap
of the false opposition between Zionism and anti-Zionism. It's always
the same old story.
Two permanent features can be seen in his militant commitment : the
struggle against Zionism and the fight against the bourgeois liberal
system, which he considered as the manifestation of American
imperialism in Europe since the end of WW2. In 1969, it was him who
organised in Padova, together with the Maoist group 'Potere Operaio',
the first major support meeting for the Palestinians in Italy, in the
presence of representatives of the Fatah. In the true Semitic-
Jacobinist tradition of terrorism, he went so far as to provide one
of them with timing devices. It thus appears that, before thinking
that the "System" was going to implode, he was of the opinion that it
should explode.
"La disintegrazione del Sistema" was published in 1969, in the middle
of the so-called student movement, which, however, was
less 'revolutionary' in Italy than it was in France, where, that
time, not having at his disposal Yankee Jewish-financed divisions to
allow him to crow his victory on the Champs-Elysées and next to the
Folies-Bergères, the weak bourgeois general who was then in charge
preferred, once again, to run away instead of confronting reality and
unleashing tanks, allowing thus the so-called 'anti-establishment
youth', led by the idle kids of the 'establishment', instrumentalised
in their turn by groups which can be called 'communist' in the
broadest sense, to lay down the law. Since then, to quote Carlyle who
appreciated very much this French word, this "racaille" has come into
office in most Western European countries : aren't most Western
countries currently managed by cocaine addicts and their so-called
administration filled with respectable slaves ( in the Aristotelian
sense) who have never recovered from the pills they took in the late
1960's in music festivals? Very few people have realised what
the 'May 1968' movement really meant for Europe : all dikes - the
very last ones, the few remaining ones – finally broke,
the "racaille" - Evola calls it "human dust" in 'Sintesi di dottrina
della razza' - could then infiltrate the state apparatus of the
various nations. It is not by chance that, for example, the first pro-
immigration laws and many laws favouring the so-called 'emancipation'
of women were enacted at the beginning of the 1970's. This 'anti-
establishment youth' had come into office and had taken over most
administrations, the media and education ; it could then adopt a
middle-class outlook.
"Revolution can be fun".
Speaking of respectable cocaine addicts and of neo-Maoists, a E.U.
deputy lately quoted with admiration Mao-Tse-Dong in front of the
camera right in the middle of the so-called 'European Parliament'. He
did not quote Stalin, he did not quote Guevara, he did not quote
Lenine : he dared to quote Mao-Tse-Dong, an individual whose
premature death, let it me said in passing for those exotic evolians
who may have Maoist sympathies, wouldn't have bothered Evola, as
clearly shown by an article which will be published soon in French
translation at
http://thompkins_cariou.tripod.com, namely 'Initiatory
centres' (still incidentally, rather than the solution considered by
Evola to put a premature end to the life of this Chinese leader, the
burning of his collection of pornographic video-tapes, one of the
largest in the world with that of the Hollywood actor who's been
hired a few years ago to play a major diplomatic role at the head of
North Korea, would have sufficed to cause him a heart attack, as
Chinese troops were crossing the Tibetan border). Needless to say
that, in the kosher matriarchal Europe they have been preparing
lovingly, only a Jew can go so far as to quote publicly Mao-Tse-Dong
with a large smile, saying aloud what the vast majority of his goyim
colleagues feel deep inside but are not allowed to say. One of his
earlier statement, from 1968, when he was at the head of the student
movement, turns out to be commented adequately by Evola in an article
called 'Psycho-analysis of protest' (1) : "(he) has declared that
what he fights for is the advent of a "new man" ; but he has
forgotten to say what this "new man" is ; if ever he was to be
modelled on the vast majority of the current anti-establishment
people in their individuality, in their behaviour and in their
elective choices, all there is to say is : thanks, but no thanks."
Now, as even acknowledged by his French thurifers, it is at this so-
called 'anti-establishment youth' that Freda's 'message' was aimed.
For the readers to realise to what extent Freda was influenced by
Evola, let's quote on the latter, who, with a touch of humour, summed
up the sinister joke which consists in considering this anti-
establishment movement as something positive : "Owing to the lack of
true counterpart and the predominance of an irrational background, we
can say, without wishing to be spiteful, that this anti-authority
movement would deserve an existential and psycho-analytic study more
than a cultural study."
In "Considerations on the student movement' (2), Evola stressed and
lamented the fact that this so-called anti-authority movement was
instrumentalised by left-wing, not to say far-left, elements ; now,
it is precisely to those elements that Freda turned at that time,
that is, the extra-parliamentarian far-left, Maoist groups, the
Marxist-Leninist Italian party, to which he offered to fight together
the so-called "System". Moral order, conformism, pro-Zionism and
Philo-Americanism, anti-communism, Freda came down strongly against
the bourgeois values of our times, as well as against those he
considered as their bearers, priests, magistrates and bankers. Evola
could have asked him : in the name of what? Economically, Freda
favoured a communist organisation, which, according to his
supporters, owes less to Marx's than to Plato's - they forgot to tell
us whether it was to the 'Republic''s or to 'The Laws'', in which
this communist organisation is renounced. Politically, he advocated
a 'Popular State'.
He's called a "man of action". He's called so, however, by people
whose writings and behaviour show clearly that they mistake action
for agitation. In 1970, in a preface he wrote to a text by Evola, he
considered favourably the possibility of a urban guerilla in Italy.
Anyone slightly familiar with 'Riding the Tiger' sees that this stand
is in stark contrast with the attitude professed by Evola in this
work, which, despite its higher realism, doesn't seem to manage to
dissolve the residues of neo-romanticism which are still hidden in
most contemporary opponents of the so-called "System". Whether they
like it or not, the survival of Europe does not depend on the
existence or not of an Israeli state ; it's all very well for
Westerners to denounce the existence of the Israeli state, an issue
which has become an obsession in the pathological sense in most
European extremist circles, to the point of making them forget about
the very existence of Europe and the catastrophe it is facing (in
some cases, this involvement, after twenty or thirty years
of 'struggle' and a few months in prison, can pay off). Wouldn't be
however more courageous to draw people's attention to the fact that
Western countries are currently managed de facto by the Jew and that,
therefore, their policies are dictated by the Jew? A solution to the
never-ending Israeli/Palestinian conflict, which is a mere lure set
up by the Jew, would not mean by any way the liberation of Europe
from the "cultural parasite" which has been feeding on it, something
which should be the only goal of any true European in the political
field, whereas this liberation would lead to the solution of this
problem, which, anyway, should be considered as secondary,
consequential from a truly European standpoint, as well as to many
other false problems. We do not hesitate to affirm that any European
who fights for any extra-European cause, whatever cause it is, before
fighting for the European cause chooses the easy way out : this is
merely escapism. Once again, there are texts which show that Evola
was neither Zionist or anti-Zionist : Evola was European, as few have
been and as even fewer still are.
Freda, however, did the latter a big service in republishing, a few
years after Evola's death, his racist works.
Thompkins&Cariou
(1) 'Psicanalisi della "contestazione"', Il Conciliatore, 1970.
(2) 'Considerazioni sul movimento studentesco', Il Conciliatore,
1968.