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  • Re: The Pleistocene Paradigm, "Aryans ruin the game, Semites make it worse"

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  • Evola
    Aug 15
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    J. Evola once said that it is absolutely essential to be able to see and recognise what is ours, and, conversely, to see and recognise what is not ours.

    This book, from that excerpt you kindly posted, seems to be affected by the consequences of a basic lack of discrimination, which in turn is caused by the fact that what people, and not just academics, have been conditioned to consider and accept as `ours' is actually not `ours' in most cases.

    For example, we have been taught, out of ignorance rather than deliberately, that the `Western man', the `White man' is Promethean by nature, and even great conservative authors, like Spengler, were more than a little proud of it. This is an error, and a grave one, for Prometheus, one of the Titans, brings us back to the earliest settlers of Greece, the pre-Hellenic Pelasgi (see, for example, Southern Quarterly Review, Volume 3 – available at google.books), whose rites, mores and beliefs show that they were not a people of so-called Indo-European origin. The Titans are precisely the Pelasgi.

    Dioné is the first wife of Zeus, the god of the Nordic invaders of Greece ; Zeus drops her at Dodona before passing with his warrior tribe to Thessaly, where he marries Danae, a princess who is "coerced but never subdued by [the] alien conqueror" (The Religion of Ancient Greece, p. 34) ; whether Danae is a native, that is a Pelasgian, or a Danaan, who, as told by Herodotus, once invaded Argos from Lybia, the fact is that she is not of Hellenic descent. Therefore, Perseus, Danae's son, is, so to speak, of `mixed blood'.

    More precisely, as recalled by R. Graves (The Greek Myths, Vol. 1, p. 245) "A Greek colony planted at Chemmis apparently towards the end of the second millennium B.C., identified Perseus with the [Egyptian] god Chem, whose hieroglyph was a winged bird and a solar disk". Mycenae held Perseus to be its founder ; its foundations were supposedly built by the Cyclopes, those "with a round eye", which Homer calls cannibals and Aristotle describes as violators of every law (the Cyclops may have been the Pelasgian priestly caste ; see E. Salverte, History of the Names of Men, Nations, and Places, Vol. 2, p. 136), and the city was named after the mykes (the mushroom) Perseus once picked there. This is probably in relation to this mythological episode that P. Shepard's connects Perseus to shamanism. (*) The findings of R. Graves suggest that the Centaurs (horsemen tribesmen) and Satyrs (goat-totem tribesmen) and their Maenad womenfolk were the shamans of pre-Hellenic Greece ; they seem to have intoxicated themselves with amanita muscaria, an hallucinogenic mushroom. Once again, both Centaurs and Satyrs carry us to non-Hellenic populations, with a matriarchal culture and goddess cults. E. Jacobson, as a scholar on Scytho-Siberian cultures who "has shown how shamanism emerged as a late expression of what separates us from nature and marked the decline of the great cults of the bear and the mountain" is in a good position to know that there is nothing specifically Indo-European about scytho-Siberian cultures, far from it.

    As to the statement that "The sky god was imagined as a weather god, an outsider, a messiah who rides in to save all the people much as raiding parties of kinfolk or friends galloped in to rescue the stolen cattle or smite the enemy", it should be made clearer than it is in this excerpt that this process was initiated in the Semitic universe (`kosmos', to early Hellenes, and even to Aristotle, does not mean `universe', but `world', a world which is strictly limited to the city-state) and incubated in a Semiticised spirit ; it should be made clearer, since, to most people, Christianity is a `western' religion. Besides, still from what can be gathered from that excerpt, there is a lack of methodological consistency : what should be compared is not the Semitic conception of time and the so-called Indo-European warrior and sacrificial culture, but, on one hand, the Semitic conception of time and the Indo-European conception of time, and, on the other hand, the Semitic warrior and sacrificial culture and the so-called Indo-European warrior and sacrificial culture. Speaking of the Semitic warrior culture, it should be noted that the first thing a Phoenician did as soon as he arrive in a foreign country was to pay homage to the Phoenician war goddess, since "He needs protection, and every foreigner is an enemy." (Origine des cultes arcadiens, p. 116)

    Shepard's thesis shows that reading history without taking into consideration the racial factor leads nowhere, only to confusion. As most goddess worshipers, his idealistic vision of the goddess, coupled with a cynical outlook on nature, does not enable him to realise that what the `modern world' virtually worships is precisely the goddess.

    (*) : the myth of Perseus and Medusa has given birth to a long tradition of misinterpretation, especially since so-called feminists laid their hands on it, in its later version. In the original source, the then most revered, the Homeric one, Perseus is known as the son of Zeus and Danae, and nothing else is said about him ; no account of the frightening head is given ; and, as to Medusa, both in the Odyssey and in Hesiod's Theogony, she is the guardian of the underworld, and her head is the symbol of warning, of driving off evil spirits (From Girl to Goddess: The Heroine's Journey Through Myth and Legend, p. 141). The depiction of Medusa as a monster, with dragons scales on her skin, swine tusks and golden wings, that can turn people into stone, was made at a much later time by the Stoic Apollodorus of Athens (born ca. 180 BC, died after 120 BC), one of those numerous exiles who fled Egypt to settle in Athens via Asia Minor at that time, so that, to be consistent, if a tradition is to be held accountable for "the decapitation of the female by patriarchy", it is not the Northern patriarchal one of Homer, but the Southern matriarchal one to which scholars like Appolodorus belonged to, and which current fellows scholars continue : "Medusa's face, [George comments] reflects her anger over the ways in which the patriarchal mentality has violated, castrated, (sic) desexualized, and disempowered her as the queen of the serpent mysteries." In this respect, modern scholars' misinterpretations, which somehow betray some sort of sentimentalist identification with Medusa, are each one more pathetically asinine than the next. On the other hand, Apollodorus' late rewriting of the myth reflects exactly the emergence of Chthonian forces in the Greco-Roman world of that time : what happens, indeed, when the one who is in charge of warning, of driving off evils spirit is decapitated ?


    --- In evola_as_he_is@yahoogroups.com, "sithwalker" <aaijkwd@...> wrote:
    >
    > {Paul Shepard's 'Coming home to the Pleistocene' is a book critical of the Hebraic tyranny of linearity of historical consciousness, while also critical of the I.E. warrior and sacrificial culture, written from an anarcho-primitivist perspective it considers agriculture as a violence that ended the 'game' and the natural connect of man, animal, ecology.}
    >
    >
    > "The philosophy of the hunt tells us that games are infinite. Life goes on and nature provides the essential structure in a rule-regulated cosmos. The ecology and behav-ior of the "game" animals become the metaphorical model of human society, the rules of one's own biological being, and the world's working or playing. Winning and losing are transient phenomena—some small part of the whole. Opponents are essential. One loves one's enemies. To destroy them in any final sense is unthinkable. Somehow that sense of perpetual play and the brotherhood of endless but leisurely opposition has faded with our primal ancestors, its place taken by the need for complete victory, a final solution. The authoritarian decree, reiterated again and again, has been the death of the others, the defeat of nature, of germs, of wolves. It is all the same, an obsession with total supremacy, as though the objective were to obliterate all defeated foes, all pests, all disease, all opponents, all the Others. To end the game. Sacrifice does accommodate the "problem of death," as Campbell claims, but it does so merely by domesticating death. Sacrifice reverses the hunter/gather idea of gifting in which humans are guests in life who receive according to their due; in its stead it substitutes offerings as a kind of barter with blood as currency. Agriculture—domestic crops, for example—is characterized by glorious abundance or desperation. Harmony with the world is reckoned in terms of mastery over parasites and animal competitors by enlarging the scope of the simplification of ecosystems and, ceremonially, by sacrificial rites of negotiation with gods with human faces. Ostensibly a participation with the cosmos, the sacrificial ceremony is only a thinly disguised bribe. In this "New Age" in search of messianic solutions to modern problems and the recovery of a lost world, we have uncritically embraced the shaman as visionary, medicine man, guru, ecologist, cosmologist, and wise man or woman and accepted the model of shamanistic thinking as ecological and nature-friendly. Spontaneous healers, usually women, have always accompanied humans. But the shaman is a latecomer—part of the agricultural fear of curses and evil spirits, the use of intoxicants, the spread of male social dominance, the exploitation of domestic animals (especially the horse) as human helpers, and the shift of sedentary peoples toward spectatorship rather than egalitarian participation. Among foraging peoples, healers appeared spontaneously and did not necessarily hold other powers, sponsor séances, go on vision quests, do magic tricks, or wield political influence—all of which were true of the later shaman. Esther Jacobson, a scholar on Scytho-Siberian cultures, has shown how shamanism emerged as a late expression of what separates us from nature and marked the decline of the great cults of the bear and the mountain. The veneration of terrain features—lake, cliff, river, mountain, and cave—that attached people spiritually to place reflects "archaic traditions which go back before shamanism," which became a male-dominated political practice. Also lost were "contrasting relationships of bear/woman and bear/man" that carried "totemic inderstanding of tribal origins." The shift away from affirmation and participation in palingenesis—the round of life—to an attempt to control it can be seen in the deterioration of the ceremony of the slain bear as it was influenced by the outreaches of agrarian thought. In primal form the festival was an egalitarian, ad hoc, celebration of the wild kill as a symbolic acceptance of the gift of food. Modern tribal ceremonies of the bear cult have all but disappeared or have been altered, as in the Gilyak and Ainu of East Asia who kill a reared bear, scheduling the death of an animal under human control—surely not a hunt. The ancient ceremony degenerated to a shaman-centered spectacle of the sacrifice of a captive bear, deflecting evil from the village. The animal cannot be the focus of veneration and the object of sacrifice at the same time. ...The Indo-European shamanistic heritage is evident among the Greeks in the hero Perseus—the Greek betrayer of the feminine traditions of oracular and collective intuition from which he originally came, hypocritically wearing the shaman's gear, wallet, cap, sandals, and shield, "in the cause of descent from father to son; of politics, not religion; of ratio- nality, not divination or possession." The original visionary healing by individual women or men had been associated with the flight of birds who came to the healer. The professional shamanism that succeeded it was most fully developed by Indo-European pastoralists who reconceived the shaman's flight on the horse. The shaman, who had earlier departed the village by climbing a central tree or pole and taking flight, or who rode the drum, would instead leave by visionary horseback. Riding a swift horse was the nearest experience of humans to intoxica-tion and flight—to that ancient vertiginous excitement of the swaying tree. The mythical winged horse emerged as Pegasus sprang from the neck of the Medusa, decapitated by Perseus. As Medusa, the old goddess with her snakes, faded, her sacred horses were stolen by warrior heroes. "The wild and powerful thrust" of the "hoofs and beating wings" of Pegasus and the other winged horses of legend, says Butterworth, "imperatively demands the means and the knowledge" of control. WHEREVER THE INDO-EUROPEANS encountered indigenous cults, the victory over them was mythologized as a battle between a sky god and earth dragons such as the Greek Titans and Typhons. As it happened, the Indo- European incursions into the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates corresponded with the zenith of great city-states such as Ur, Kish, and Lagash. These cities grew up from the rich monocultures of the riverine flood-plains of the Near East. Their divine kings were seen in the sheep/goat idiom, an image of the benign pastorality in a mixed agriculture, as "the shepherd at the head of his flock," the defender against predatory enemies represented and then symbolized by the lion. Such autocracies had already begun the ideological move away from deified maternity, but not so far that the semidivine regents gave up the stories of being suckled at the breast of a goddess, or that priestesses did not still rule temples dedicated to one or another goddess of fertility. The sacred nuptials central to ancient Mesopotamian agrarian renewal rites, seen as necessary to the success of the crops upon which a growing population depended, declined in mythic force just as the impact of Indo- European cattle-keeper invasions and three thousand years of soil loss and deterioration of vegetation, aggravated by climatic changes, made itself felt. The cutting of forests for construction and for fuel needed to heat, cook, make quicklime, and smelt metals, the destabilization of the water and soil by deforestation and overgrazing, and the salination of croplands may at first have intensified the worship of the sky god, Tamuz, son of the earth and water, who was dependent upon his mother/consort, the divine restorer of the seasons, to whom he looked for "release." Disorder in the basic ecosystems of the watershed and its life did not bode well for political or religious stability. The plant motif, embodied as seasonal renewal, with its emphasis on fertility in the earth, gradually lost ground to a heroic style shaped after the adventuring warrior and competitive pastoral society with its appeal to a distant sky god, instead of the village spirits, and the celebration of theft and recovery by countertheft, paradigmatic control over animals and women, and disdain for the earth. The sky god was imagined as a weather god, an outsider, a messiah who rides in to save all the people much as raiding parties of kinfolk or friends galloped in to rescue the stolen cattle or smite the enemy. Assistance in time of crisis or to augment a raid grew from pastoral society, but it became a major metaphor and mythic story by Hebrew times. The dream of the messianic savior became the Christian redeemer."
    >
    > http://books.google.co.in/books/about/Coming_Home_to_the_Pleistocene.html?id=5b1\ 8NqLB8LMC&redir_esc=y
    >
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