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CÆSAR, CAIUS JULIUS:
By : Kaufmann Kohler Herman Rosenthal
Roman dictator, consul, and conqueror; born July 12, 100 B.C.
(according to Mommsen, 102 B.C.); assassinated March 15, 44 B.C.
Cæsar's attitude toward the Jews is manifest from the many
enactments issued in their favor by him and by the senate.
The first decree, dated probably July, 47 B.C., registered in both
Greek and Latin on a table of brass and preserved in the public
records, concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews. Julius Cæsar, with the approbation of the
senate, recognizes the services rendered by Hyrcanus to the empire,
both in peace and in war. He mentions the aid given by Hyrcanus with
his 1,500 soldiers in the Alexandrian war, and speaks of the
personal valor of Hyrcanus. In recognition of these services he
grants Hyrcanus and the Jews certain privileges (Josephus, "Ant."
xiv. 10, § 2).
In another decree of probably the same date, Cæsar determines "That
the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with
walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases;
and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every
second year the land is let [in the Sabbatical period], a corus of
that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor
that they pay always the same tribute" (ib. xiv. 10, § 5).
His Decrees.
The next decree, dated before Dec., 47 B.C., ordains that all the
country of the Jews pay a tribute to the city of Jerusalem except
during the Sabbatical year, with permanent exemption for Joppa,
which, as formerly, is to belong to them. It also prohibits the
raising of auxiliaries and the exacting of money for winter quarters
within the bounds of Judea. This decree provides for an annual
tribute to Hyrcanus and his sons, the Sabbatical yearexcepted. It
ordains that the original ordinances in regard to the high priests
of the Jews shall remain in force, and that Hyrcanus and the Jews
retain those places and countries which belonged to the kings of
Syria and Phenicia. The following two decrees confirm the privileges
granted to Hyrcanus and his children. As the ally of Rome he is to
send and receive ambassadors (ib. § 6).
The following two decrees are of the same date: "That Hyrcanus and
his children bear over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits
of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that
ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high
priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of
friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass
containing the promises be openly proposed in the capitol, and at
Sidon, and Tyre, and Ascalon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman
and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated to the
questors and pretors of the several cities, and to the friends of
the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them, and
that these decrees be sent everywhere" (ib. § 3).
"Caius Cæsar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of
regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for
the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and
priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right,
and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held
the priesthood" (ib. § 4).
The last decree of Cæsar, dated Feb., 44 B.C., again mentions the
services rendered by Hyrcanus and the Jews, and calls for suitable
recognition on the part of the Senate and the people of Rome (ib. §
7).
Following is a summary of the decrees of the consuls during the rule
of Julius Cæsar, as recorded in Josephus:
Sept. 19, 49 B.C.: Report on the public proceedings at Ephesus
concerning the exemption of the Jews of Asia Minor from military
service on account of their religion, and the decree in this sense
of the consul Lucius Lentulus ("Ant." xiv. 10, § 19).
Sept. 19, 49 B.C.: Short report on the preliminary proceedings on
the same question on the part of the military authorities (ib. § 18).
Sept. 19, 49 B.C.: Short declaration of the consul Lucius Lentulus
concerning the exemption of the Jews from military service (ib. §
16).
Sept. 20, 49 B.C.: Communication of Titus Appius Balbus to the
magistrate of Ephesus, to the effect that on his intercession for
them, the consul Lucius Lentulus agreed to the exemption, and that
the high Roman officials Lucius Antonius and Phanius sanctioned the
decree (ib. § 13).
Probably 49 B.C.: Message of Lucius Antonius to the magistrates of
Sardes, to the effect that the Jews of that city having an assembly
of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, he gives
order that their privileges be preserved (ib. § 17).
May, 48 B.C.: Proclamation of the magistrates of the island of
Delos, that, according to the decree of the consul Lentulus, the
Jews shall be exempted from entering the army (ib. § 14).
Probably at the beginning of 46 B. C.: Reprimand of a proconsul to
the people of Parium on account of their hostile attitude toward
their Jewish fellow-citizens concerning their public assemblies and
their contributions to the Temple (ib. § 8).
46-45 B.C.: Admonitory letter of the proconsul Publius Servilius to
the magistrate of Miletus that the Jews should not be disturbed in
the execution of their religious customs (ib. § 21).
46-45 B.C.: Reply of the Laodiceans to the proconsul of Asia, that,
in obedience to injunctions received from him, they will not disturb
the religious customs and assemblies of the Jews (ib.§ 20).
46-45 B.C.: Decree of the Sardians, upon the representation of the
pretors, granting the Jews religious liberty, setting apart for them
a place for public worship, and even directing those that have
charge of the provisions of the city to "take care that such sorts
of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the
city" (ib. § 24).
46-45 B.C.: Decree of the people of Halicarnassus to the effect
that, in accordance with privileges granted by the Romans, they
shall not disturb the religious customs and assemblies of Jews (ib.
§ 23).
Feb., 44 B.C.: Testimony of the twelve questors, that the Senate had
passed a decree in favor of the Jews, but that this decree had not
hitherto been brought into the treasury, and that now the Senate and
the consuls Dolabella and Marcus order that these decrees shall
be "put into the public tables" and be "put upon the double tables"
(ib. § 10).
(For a critical survey of these edicts see Grätz, "Gesch. der
Juden," 3d ed., iii., note 9, pp. 660-668; Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed.,
iii. 56 et seq., 67, note 30).
These decrees show clearly that Julius Cæsar in his broad and
statesmanlike manner fully recognized the rights and claims of the
Jews as an important element of the Roman empire.
Usefulness in Roman Empire.
"This Judaism," says Mommsen ("Römische Gesch." iii. 549-
555), "although not the most pleasing feature in the nowhere
pleasing picture of the mixture of nations which then prevailed, was
nevertheless a historical element developing itself in the natural
course of things, which the statesman could neither ignore nor
combat, and which Cæsar on the contrary, just like his predecessor,
Alexander, with correct discernment of the circumstances, fostered
as far as possible. While Alexander, by laying the foundation of
Alexandrian Judaism, did not much less to found the Jewish nation
than its own King David by planning the Temple of Jerusalem, Cæsar
also advanced the interests of the Jews in Alexandria and in Rome by
special favors and privileges, and protected in particular their
peculiar worship against the Roman as well as against the Greek
local priests." "Cæsar's extraordinary keenness as a statesman,"
says F. Rosenthal (in "Monatsschrift," 1879, p. 321), "recognized in
the Jews most useful collaborators in his extensive plans for the
creation of a great Roman body politic. Distributed as they were
over the greatest part of the Roman empire, yet acting in harmony
with one another, they were as much on this account as by reason of
their commercial instincts the intermediators between Orient and
Occident."
"The Jews were destined to play no insignificant part in the new
state of Cæsar," says Mommsen (ib.). Even later, when by a decree of
Cæsar all religious or political associations (collegia) were
forbidden, except those which had existed from very remote times,
the same decree permitted the Jews, "our friends and
confederates . . . to gather themselves together according to the
customs and laws of their forefathers, to bring in their
contributions, and to make their common suppers" (Josephus, "Ant."
xiv. 10, § 8; Suetonius, "Cæsar," 42). By these and other edicts of
Cæsar the Jewish religion was recognized in the Roman empire
as "religio licita" (Tertullian, "Apologia," xxi.; Schürer, "Gesch."
3d ed., iii. 69).
Judaism Respected in Rome.
"When Cæsar attained the power," says Huidekoper ("Judaism in Rome,"
p. 6), "we find a procession annually of Roman dignitaries, on the
first day of the Passover, for the purpose of throwing away idol-
images; and at his funeral Jews were conspicuous." Mommsen quotes a
contemporary orator (Cicero) as saying that Roman officials in the
provinces had to be extremely careful not to offend a Jew, otherwise
they were liable to be hissed on their return to Rome by the
plebeians.
During the Pompeian wars Cæsar, without associates (Mommsen, l.c.
iii. 8, 374), surrounded only by military aids and political agents,
made use of the brilliant abilities of Aristobulus II., and, out of
hatred to Pompey, gave the former his freedom and sent him with two
legions into Syria to create a diversion in Cæsar's favor
(Josephus, "Ant." xiv. 7, § 4). Macrobius hints ("Saturnaliorum
Conviviorum," i.) that during the Pompeian wars the Jewish
contingent in Cæsar's army was by no means an unimportant one; that
at his court and in his councils the Jews were influential in
political and financial matters. The great historical significance
of Cæsar's relations with the Jews is brought out strikingly by
their military services under him during the Egyptian campaign.
For all his daring and energy, and notwithstanding the importance of
his entering Egypt, Cæsar would not have landed had he not been
certain of support from the Jews of the country. His resources were
scanty—scarcely two legions of infantry and a small detachment of
cavalry—in all about 5,000 men. With such a handful of soldiers even
Cæsar could not expect a successful conflict with the powerful
Egyptian army. There is historical evidence that organized local
bands of Jews came to his assistance. The Jews of Egypt, numbering
at that time, according to Manfrin, about a million, were evidently
on his side before he came to Egypt; and, in order to render him
efficient service, they suspended their party quarrels. With
Mithridates there entered Egypt under the leadership of Antipater a
detachment of troops numbering 1,500, or, according to Josephus
(l.c. xiv. 8, § 1), 3,000, composed exclusively of Jews.
Valor of Antipater.
According to the testimony of Josephus, the taking of Pelusium,
which, from the Syrian side, was the key to Egypt, was largely due
to the personal bravery and skill of Antipater, who destroyed a
portion of the city wall. With his Jewish followers he was the first
to enter the city, thus clearing the way for Mithridates' army. As a
reward for his services Cæsar gave to Antipater the privilege of a
citizen of Rome, and made him procurator of Judea (Josephus, ib. 8,
§ 3).
After the Alexandrian campaign Cæsar granted many favors and
privileges to Judea and to the Jews in general. He gave the former
the right of "status clientis"—the broadest autonomy that countries
subject to Rome could enjoy. Besides this right Cæsar allowed Judea
to utilize the city of Joppa and its harbor, since the latter was
indispensable to Jerusalem for intercourse with its colonies.
Cicero's defense of Flaccus, who confiscated the gold collected for
the Temple in Jerusalem, shows that the Oligarchic party stood in
fear of Cæsar's connection with the Jewish colonies. They suspected
that the money collected for the Temple was, in part at least, used
for the carrying out of Cæsar's political plans. In fact, the whole
defense ("Pro Flacco") was an indirect accusation of Cæsar. By the
prohibition of all but Jewish associations, he apparently expressed
his belief in the favorable influence of the political principle of
Judaism and in its superiority over the other Eastern religions that
had been brought to Rome.
Antipathy to Jews Roused.
But while the mass of the Roman population favored Cæsar, that was
not sufficient for his election. Large sums of money were required
for this purpose, and Cæsar had hardly any means of his own. When he
was leaving for Spain his debts amounted to $3,400,000 (according to
some historical documents, $4,800,000); and it appears that a few of
his creditors importuned him. Possibly the Jewish colonies supplied
funds. These colonies extended all over Egypt, in Asia from the
shores of the Pontus Euxinus to the Euphrates, and in Europe as far
as Prague and into Gallia.
On the other hand, the Cæsarean period produced an ill-will toward
the Jews that gradually grew to hatred and has survived to the
present day.
Reference can be here made to the work of Manfrin concerning the
important rôle Cæsar assigned to monotheistic Judaism in his new
empire, but his views are open to question.
Renan ascribes to Cæsar very broad and liberal views. "He truly
conceived," he says, "liberty of conscience in a sense of absolute
neutrality in the state, as enlightened nations now do. He desired
the freedom of all provincial worship, and, if he had lived, he
doubtless would have prevented the reaction toward strictness which,
from the days of Tiberius, led the central government to insist on
too much preponderance for the Roman worship. The Jews in Alexandria
had their privileges confirmed. The free exercise of Jewish worship
was stipulated in the principal towns of Asia Minor. The Jews
throughout the world regretted the death of the dictator. Among the
numerous provincials who mourned the Ides of March, it was remarked
that Jews for several months came to make final lamentation over his
burial-place" ("Histoire du Peuple d'Israel," v. 196, 197).
Bibliography:
Mommsen, Römische Gesch. iii. 549-550, Berlin, 1889;
Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, 4th ed., iii. 172-182;
Berliner, Gesch. der Juden in Rom, i. 15-18;
Vogelstein and Rieger, Gesch. der Juden in Rom, i., passim;
Manfrin, Gli Ebrei Sotto la Dominazione Romana, i.-ii., passim,
Rome, 1888-1890;
L. Ruskin, in Voskhod, 1888, v.-vi., 1890, vi., vii.;
Cicero, Pro Flacco;
Josephus, Ant. xiv., xvi., Schürer, Gesch. iii., passim;
Arnold, The Roman System of Provincial Administration, pp. 89et
seq., London, 1879;
Ihne, Römische Gesch. vii., passim, Leipsic, 1890;
Herzfeld, Handelsgesch. der Juden des Alterthums, pp. 246et seq.,
264et seq.;
Huidekoper, Judaism in Rome, p. 6, New York, 1876;
Büchler, in Festschrift zum Achtzigsten Geburtstag M.
Steinschneiders, pp. 91-109, Leipsic, 1896;
Plutarch, Brutus, 20;
idem, Cæsar, 68;
Suetonius, Cæsar, 85.K.H. R.
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/jewish/julian-jews.html
Julian and the Jews 361-363 CE
I. Julian Proposes to Rebuild Jerusalem, 362-363: To The Community
Of The Jews
In times past, by far the most burdensome thing in the yoke of your
slavery has been the fact that you were subjected to unauthorized
ordinances and had to contribute an untold amount of money to the
accounts of the treasury. [Ever since Vespasian, about 72 CE, the
Jews had been paying the Romans special Jewish taxes, like the
Fiscus Judaicus.] Of this I used to see many instances with my own
eyes, and I have learned of more, by finding the records which are
preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was about to be levied
on you again I prevented it, and compelled the impiety of such
obloquy to cease here; and I threw into the fire the records against
you that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer possible
for anyone to aim at you such a reproach of impiety. My brother
[cousin] Constantius of honored memory [in whose reign, 337-361,
severe laws were enacted against the Jews] was not so much
responsible for these wrongs of yours as were the men who used to
frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in soul. These I
seized with my own hands and put them to death by thrusting them
into the pit, that not even any memory of their destruction might
still linger amongst us.
And since I wish that you should prosper yet more, I have admonished
my brother Iulus [Hillel II, d. 365], your most venerable patriarch,
that the levy which is said to exist among you [the taxes paid by
world Jewry for support of the Palestinian patriarchate] should be
prohibited, and that no one is any longer to have the power to
oppress the masses of your people by such exactions; so that
everywhere, during my reign, you may have security of mind, and in
the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid prayers for my reign to
the Most High God, the Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his
own immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men who are
distracted by any anxiety should be hampered in spirit, and should
not have so much confidence in raising their hands to pray; but that
those who are in all respects free from care should rejoice with
their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers on behalf of my
imperial office to Mighty God, even to Him who is able to direct my
reign to the noblest ends, according to my purpose.
This you ought to do, in order that, when I have successfully
concluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my own efforts the
sacred city of Jerusalem [closed to the Jews since Hadrian, 135 CE],
which for so many years you have longed to see inhabited, and may
bring settlers there, and, together with you, may glorify the Most
High God therein.