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  • Evola
    May 12
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    The French translation of the introduction of `Secret Societies of America's Elite' by S. Sora, a work we once quoted here (message 144) in relation to our short review of a book by G. Adinolfi that had just been released in French under the title `Pensées corsairses' (Corsair Thoughts), and whose subtitle : `abédédaire de lutte et de victoire' (a textbook of fight and victory) paraphrases a well-known essay by J. Evola, - we once quoted to stress that the best way to fight and win is not to take one's enemy's role models as a point of reference, has just been published at http://elementsdeducationraciale.wordpress.com/ Actually, the text has been reorganised and pruned ; the few paragraphs dedicated to pirates in the prelude to the first part of the book have been incorporated into it, while value judgments on slavery and, in general, democratic stances, no matter how scarce and unlyrical, have been done away with, for obvious reasons. The opportunity has been taken to point out in a footnote that slavery is one thing, the slave trade quite another.
    It has been reminded that slavery has an ontological and, therefore, ethical basis, a distant echo of which can be found in the following - rationalistically coloured - statement of `Politics' : "Where then there is such a difference as that between soul and body, or between men and animals (as in the case of those whose business is to use their body, and who can do nothing better), the lower sort are by nature slaves, and it is better for them as for all inferiors that they should be under the rule of a master." Hence the social justification for slavery. In archaic Rome in early Greece, "the slaves were involved in virtually all areas of life and of economy, including culture and administration." (J. Andreau R. Desca, Esclave en Grèce et à Rome, 2006), so much so that its abolition was never demanded. Domestic slavery was not unknown to the Arab world, where a philanthropist who knew very well this area states that "the difference between a master and a slave is that the former sits idly, while the latter works… In summary, this slave is not worse off than many people who live around us and we do not want to see." (L. G. Binger, Esclavage, islamisme et christianisme, Société d'éditions scientifiques, 1891 p. 10). Today, those people are, as foreseen by F. P. Yockey in a master-piece that is invaluable for the understanding of the crisis of the so-called `West', "the people of Europe work with every possible exertion for the enrichment and aggrandizement of the financiers, industrial-barons, politicians, and generals of North America. Slavery no longer means the rattling of chains, rather shortages of currency and materials, rationing, unemployment, occupation soldiers and their families, puppet-governments, rearmament and military programmes on a gigantic scale." Only a few of these evils have taken another form since the days Yockey listed them (for instance, occupation soldiers may have left most European countries, the so-called "Law enforcement" personnel still enforces the Law of the occupier), without, however, those "people" minding too much about these evils until quite recently, which, incidentally, shows which of the aforementioned Aristotelian categories they fall within.

    Their condition is similar to that of the slave in the slave trade : they are a commodity. Indeed, the slave became a mere commodity in the slave trade, and it should be noted that the slave trade existed in black Africa long before slave traders from the European continent set a foot there for the first time. (Nick J. Myers, Black Hearts : The Development of Black Sexuality in America, Trafford Publishing, 2003, chap. I) "Europeans arriving in West Africa discovered a well established, operational slave-trading system." (J. P. Rodriguez, The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery : A-K ; Vol. II, L-Z, 1997, ABC-CLIO, p. 13) The Harvard Chair of African and African American Studies stated that "without complex business partnerships between African elites and European traders and commercial agents, the slave trade to the New World would have been impossible, at least on the scale it occurred"
    (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/23/opinion/23gates.html?_r=0) The article is called : `Ending the Slavery Blame-Game'. Guilt-ridden Whites feeling guilty about the slave trade, insofar as it is hyped as having been inflicted exclusively by White peoples, might possibly feel better, possibly because guilt is basically their reason for living, if they were aware that, just as slave traders from European countries regarded and treated Negroes as animals, so did Black slave traders (`Slatees'). On the moral plane, the last word is given by Voltaire : " We buy domestic slaves only among Negroes; we said to us that this trade is infamous. People which traffic their own children are even more condemnable than the purchaser." (Essais sur les Mœurs et l'Esprit des Nations, Imprimerie Didot, vol. 8, p. 187). Overall, the condition of black slaves in the United States seems to have been better than that which was theirs in the hands of their black masters in Africa. According to Hegel, "Bad as this may be, their lot in their own land is even worse, since a slavery there quite as absolute exists…" (Philosophy of History, New York : Dover, 1956)
    Although slavery in the South, despite the aristocratic background of planters which Yockey likes to emphasise, lacked the ontological foundations that it possessed among early Greeks and early Romans, it was still preferable to the abolition policy of the Northerners and the underlying goals high finance sought to achieve through its implementation. To quote Yockey, " To a finance-capitalist, however, a Negro merely represents "cheap labor," or a prospect for a small loan. (Imperium, p. 249) "The Negro has suffered more than anyone in being thrown into the slavery of finance-exploitation, and then into conscription for the race-war program of the distorter. From the happy, deeply and primitively religious, cotton-picking slave, with complete protection and insulation from the dynamism of Western industrialism, he has been made into a malcontented, diseased, fighter in race-war and class-war. His life has been made into a round of factories, hospitals, public relief offices, jails, and roaming of the streets. The new Negro is a dangerous potentiality, and he has been fitted out by the distorter with a program of demands, an ideology of his own within the Bolshevist framework, and dynamic leadership." (ibid., p. 250)

    In `America negrizzata', an essay by J. Evola which a member of evola_as_he_is once asked us to translate into English, the Italian author, unlike Yockey, does not approach the issue from a historical perspective, focusing instead on remedies. We will soon return to `L'Arco e la Clava'.


    --- In evola_as_he_is@yahoogroups.com, "evola_as_he_is" <evola_as_he_is@...> wrote:
    >
    > Those who are familiar with Evola's work and biography have realised
    > what is right, what is questionable and what is downright wrong about
    > this article, which, as we have said, is part of a book which is
    > filled with more or less explicit references to the ideas exposed and
    > developed by Evola. "My aim was (...) to refer to the lucid
    > existential message with which Julius Evola reconnects us to the
    > warlike spirituality of the Bhagavad Gita and, from there, to the
    > deepest Romanitas. There is no other root, no other decisive
    > watershed, not other sound point reference, with due respect to those
    > who want to reduce a spiritual and Olympian tension to the defense of
    > this or that minor expression. What is at work today is not a clash
    > between political systems, religions, values, models ; what we are
    > witnessing instead is the progressive propagation of an infection, the
    > progress of an evil that dries up, sclerotises and, finally, levels.
    > This infection, this evil is common to almost everybody : Christians
    > and Muslims, Hebrews and atheists, progressives and conservatives,
    > revolutionaries and traditionalists, extremists and moderates. Nuances
    > are not what create underlying differences ; what creates them is
    > only an Idea of the World. This Idea of the World - or Weltanschauung,
    > as it would be called - this Idea that allows at the same time to die
    > and to revive, is beyond parties and is in a position to reshuffle and
    > to regenerate these because it is prior to the splintering into
    > factions and, above all, it goes beyond them."
    >
    > The author's aim is to rebuild this image of the world on the basis of
    > various concepts (Reaction, Revolution, Counter-revolution, autonomy,
    > Restauration, Satanism, Racism, Communism, Antisemitism, Class
    > struggle, etc.) and of various historical characters (from Radetzky to
    > Garibaldi, from Charlemagne to Hitler, from Tiso to Durruti, from
    > Mitterrand to Léon Degrelle, from Malcom X to Saddam Hussein, from
    > Heydrich to Chandra Bose, from Socrate to Saint Bernard, from
    > Marinetti to de Benoist).
    >
    > In appendix, there are a review, made by his son, of the movie
    > 'Pirates of the Caribbean' and a work of his called 'Le api e i fiori'
    > ('Bees and Flowers'), which dates back to 1999 : "If, he says right at
    > the beginning, instead of considering politics from the ideological
    > point of view, we try to do it from the structural one, we notice that
    > it amounts to an almost invariable whole of elements. At the end of
    > the day, this whole is made up of a subject, of an objective (or of a
    > series of objectives) and of a path to follow to achieve the set
    > result. For anyone who, instead of contenting oneself with scraping a
    > living, intends to accomplish something, the first imperative is thus
    > to become aware of the aforesaid elements. This awareness should be as
    > congruent as possible with reality, so as to enable one to act
    > skillfully." Having noted and acknowledged that this awareness has
    > been lacking for the past few decades, the author undertakes to
    > examine the weaknesses of the right (lack of leaders worth of the
    > name, lack of preparation, incompetence, etc.) and, then, to remedy
    > them by means of a strategy inspired more or less by the 'scientifical
    > criteria' assumed in the political field since a few decades by
    > gramscism in particular and by leftism in general, making it crystal
    > clear, however, that he does not share in any way its ideology, its
    > world-outlook and its existential perspective, and that he is only
    > interested in its strategy, which, according to him, has enabled it to
    > come to and to remain in power.
    >
    > This work is thus not only necessary - the latest radiography of the
    > right, to the best of our knowledge, was performed by J. Evola in the
    > early 1970's -, but also meritorious. It is just a shame that it lacks
    > concrete examples and that the only ones which are given are only
    > taken from the Italian and the French context. Leaving aside that the
    > author seems to have aimed, among other things, at using all the words
    > contained in the Italian dictionary without necessarily giving them
    > the same meaning as they have in it, there is no doubt that what we
    > are dealing with here is an important work, if only for the reason
    > that it is free from most of the superficial antitheses which blind
    > and paralyse most contemporary so-called far-rightists. For instance,
    > current terrorism is assessed for what it actually is, that is to say,
    > a 'divide and rule/conquer' tool in the hands of the intelligence
    > services controlled by the oligarchy currently in office by proxy
    > (needless to read J. Kleeves' rather disappointing articles on the
    > 2005 London bombings -
    > http://it.altermedia.info/economia/john-kleeves-sugli-attentati-di-londra_1954.html#more-1954
    > - to realise, for various reasons, among which the very design of the
    > London underground, that a MI, whether 5 or 16, was behind them ; the
    > fact that the 2004 Madrid bombings, which were also imputed to Muslim
    > terrorist cells, happened during one of the five daily prayers of the
    > Muslims should also get some people thinking about the kind of
    > cynicism cultivated by the individuals who are behind all this) ; two
    > excerpts of 'The Reign of Quantity' on counter-initiation are quoted
    > and the pseudo-elites in charge of globalisation are righly diagnosed
    > as 'counter-initiatory' ; the so-called 'System' is rightly described
    > - as we did a few years ago in one of our posts about
    > National-Bolshevism and Eurasianism - as something both homogeneous
    > and heterogeneous, depending on the circumstances : homogeneous, when
    > it has to fight an objective enemy (yet, there is no longer any
    > organised counter-power) and heterogeneous, when there is no objective
    > counter-power left and all the components of the so-called 'System'
    > can then freely engage in intestine struggles (the conflict which was
    > started recently - more precisely, on the 08/08/08 - in an area whose
    > main city turns out to be Stalin's place of birth is a perfect example
    > of this) ; the role of kabbalistic spells in the psychological warfare
    > waged by the so-called 'System' is justifiedly underlined ; the
    > absolutisation of the hackneyed antithesis between Zionism and
    > anti-Zionism, which has become the blinding and paralysing obsession
    > of most of the components of the far-right, is avoided ; current
    > Satanism is put into perspective, a perspective which we have put
    > forward repeatedly ourselves : "The blooming of 'churches of Satan'
    > is, to a great extent even if not completely, a smoke-screen. If
    > wickedness, spiritual dissatisfaction, counter-initiatory desire,
    > characterise these emerging sects, Satan, in reality, has its quiet
    > headquarters elsewhere : in medias, in multinationals, at the church,
    > at the synagogue, at the mosque, in the United Nations, in
    > intelligence agencies, in terrorist organisations, in banks, at the
    > stock exchange, in ONGs, in non profit foundations, in pharmaceutical
    > companies, in health research, in charitable organisations, among the
    > 'evil' ones and, essentially, among the 'good' ones. It is not by
    > chance that it won a world war" ; the concept of empire, judging from
    > various quotes, seems to be understood in an Evolian and, thus,
    > traditional and European sense.
    >
    > On the other hand, Freemasons such as Garibaldi, who, by their ideas
    > and by their actions, have contributed largely to undermine and
    > destroy Central Empires, are highly praised ; historical figures such
    > as F. Mitterand and H. Kohl are seen as genuine Europeans and their
    > political activities as genuinely European in spirit ; in utter
    > contradiction with historical facts, which, besides, show
    > superabundantly that history is made by minorities, "conquering Islam"
    > is seen as a marginal aspect of the Muslim world ; the idealisation of
    > Fascism, against which Evola warned us in 'Fascism and the
    > Traditional Political Idea'
    > (http://thompkins_cariou.tripod.com/id24.html), can be clearly felt.
    > However, there is worse, far worse, especially from someone who, like
    > the author, means to look at symbols from a traditional standpoint :
    > it is the very choice he makes of piracy as a point of reference for
    > those who are still standing among the ruins : on that basis, the
    > pirate would be a form, possibly the highest one, of differentiated
    > man. Symbolically speaking, the Roman 'turtle' and the Caribbean
    > 'turtle' are wrongly identified with each other.
    >
    > And this is why :
    >
    > "The breakup of the Templars was directly responsible for the dramatic
    > rise in piracy that plagued Europe, America, and even the Indian
    > ocean. The pirates themselves were organized in fraternal
    > brotherhoods, they pledged themselves to the good of the group, they
    > promised to share equally in the proceeds, and they even fought under
    > the same battle flag that was flown by the Templar fighting fleet.
    > Stranger still, the pirate bases—ports in Scotland, Ireland, and
    > America where pirates could openly dock and sell their booty — were
    > protected by Masonic cells that extended to the courthouses and
    > capitol buildings. Smuggling, too, grew as a worldwide enterprise
    > despite its illegality. Ports from Salem and Newport to the Caribbean
    > and Bermuda, which harbored and facilitated the trade of pirates, had
    > no qualms about aiding and abetting smugglers. For the same reasons
    > that Masonic organizations grew into labor and artisan guilds that
    > protected the livelihood of their members, individuals in the
    > smuggling business needed to be considered trustworthy. In Bermuda,
    > where possibly two thirds of the eighteenth-century trade was illegal,
    > trading partners had to maintain secrecy. THE ISLAND WAS AND IS A
    > BASTION OF MASONRY (...)"
    >
    > "The family wealth of Franklin and Theodore Roosevelt had been built
    > on drug running. (...). Other presidents have been connected to piracy
    > by their relations. John Tyler married into a family whose status was
    > achieved on pirate booty. Millard Fillmore's great-grandfather was
    > tried for piracy. Like opium trading, piracy was an enterprise that
    > depended on a widespread system of recognition and trust. From Cape
    > Cod and eastern Long Island to New York City, North Carolina, and New
    > Orleans pirates trusted each other and knew those in power who
    > provided shelter, legal protection, and a market for their goods. When
    > on land, the pirate captains reported to the powerful few who
    > protected their trade. These connections were made and preserved
    > through the Masonic halls. Governors, mayors, and judges licensed and
    > invested in pirate voyages, the proceeds of which helped build family
    > fortunes. Pirate ships were floating lodges where ritual, secrecy, and
    > blood oaths were the glue bonding the pirates. BUT THE RANK-AND-FILE
    > PIRATE BROTHERS WERE NOT WELCOME AT THE LODGE MEETINGS OF THE HOLLAND."
    >
    > "In medieval times the choices for most young men (and women) were few
    > and unappealing. Inheritance law once gave the family estate to the
    > eldest son and allowed the younger brothers and sisters to stay only
    > if they remained unmarried. Daughters were married off and sons
    > apprenticed out or sent to study for the priesthood, as their fathers
    > saw fit. War brought opportunity. Enlisting for the Crusades gave men
    > the chance to leave behind a predestined life. The Crusades meant
    > adventures and the possibility of bettering one's circumstances. Going
    > to sea offered the same escape. Life at sea was adventurous, and
    > enabled some to return home with enough money to live out their lives.
    > However, most men who joined the Crusades to escape the mundane fate
    > of becoming priests or apprentices could not even step back into those
    > vocations. When Jerusalem was lost and the Knights Templar disbanded,
    > many had little chance of returning to society. Fearing prosecution or
    > simply poverty, many decided to keep on enjoying the daredevil life.
    > For the fighting soldier, one choice was to become a mercenary in the
    > newly emerging fighting orders from Scotland to the Mediterranean Sea.
    > For the sailor, the life of a privateer, a smuggler, or a pirate held
    > even more promise of reward. Both mercenary and pirate became members
    > of a society within the society. Pirates have been portrayed as bands
    > of swashbuckling, peg-legged lunatics with homicidal tendencies since
    > the days of the eighteenth-century writer Daniel Defoe. The real story
    > is less colorful—and more interesting. Although many would live "the
    > merry life and the short life," as Defoe's fact-bending tales called
    > it, others enjoyed a life expectancy longer than that of sailors on
    > British navy ships. They ate better, were treated less harshly, and
    > shared in a greater portion of their gains. Pirates were banded
    > together by covenants that provided more protection than English naval
    > law, and were regularly voted on by every sailor aboard. The pirate
    > ship and pirate ports like Saint Mary's in Madagascar were the first
    > instances of democratic rule. THE ONE-MAN, ONE-VOTE SYSTEM ABOARD THE
    > PIRATE SHIP WAS NOT DUPLICATED UNTIL THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. EVEN
    > THEN, VOTING WAS NOT AS DEMOCRATIC AS PIRATE RULE."
    >
    > "Pirates bought supplies and arms, sold ill-gotten gains from wool to
    > jewels, and often retired to estates, or at least farms, bought with
    > the proceeds of their life's work. To deal with conventional society,
    > they had to have connections. To create such connections meant that
    > they had to belong to a brotherhood. The brotherhood went much deeper
    > than a small group banding together. As remnant Templars became
    > organized in lodges, old ties were restored. Masonry, more or less
    > underground until the early eighteenth century, provided lodging,
    > employment, food, and even clothes to brothers. Masonry also provided
    > connections to a network, underground and often above the law. When
    > Freemasonry was finally acknowledged, a secret oath for a Master Mason
    > acknowledged that masons were "BROTHERS TO PIRATES AND CORSAIRS."
    > Those who sailed under the skull and crossbones could rely on
    > protection in the ports and in the courts, where a secret handshake or
    > coded phrase required fellow Masons to come to the aid of a their
    > brethren. Fortunes built by pirates and by those who outfitted them
    > with supplies and bought their goods survived the "golden age of
    > piracy." Dynasties created through underworld activity and membership
    > in secret societies would pave the way to power that survives into
    > modern times.
    >
    > (Secret Societies of America's Elite, S. Sora, Destiny Books, 2003)
    >
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